Condition from 1729-1752.
The Proprietary of the
Carolinas ended in 1729 by its purchase by the Crown. Only Lord Granville
refused to sell his share. There were several reasons for this transfer.
The Crown desired it for purposes of defense against the Spaniard and the
French on the south and southwest ; the merchants of England preferred to
trade with royal provinces rather than with proprietaries, and the
proprietors were glad to sell, for their possessions had not been a
financial success. Politically the Proprietary had produced only unrest
and conflicts ; its history was one of collisions and insurrections. As
far as the settlers were concerned the transfer was a matter of
indifference. They felt that all their rights were guaranteed by the
original charter under which they had made their settlements, and that
neither proprietors nor king could interfere with them.
At the time of the transfer
there were about 40,000 people in the province, including both white and
black. They were settled along Albemarle Sound, and at the mouths of the
rivers as far south as New Bern. The few Indians that remained in the
settlements were on reservations. The people were engaged in farming,
cultivating corn, wheat, tobacco, peas, rice, indigo, and some cotton. Tar
and rosin engaged some attention. There were a few saw-mills along the
rivers. Hogs and beef cattle were driven to Virginia and sold. Barreled
pork and beef were shipped. Their trade was with New England and the West
Indies and Virginia. Sugar, molasses and rum were imported from New
England. The English navigation laws produced some smuggling. The people
were a plain people who manufactured their own clothes called "homespun."
The transfer to the Crown produced little change in the form of
government. The governor was now appointed by the Crown instead of by the
proprietors. He was to hold his office during the pleasure of the Crown.
His salary was supposed to be paid out of quit-rents due the Crown. His
instructions were so minute and voluminous that he had little freedom of
action. In the administration of affairs he was assisted by a council,
secretary, receiver-general for the collection of rents due the Crown,
surveyor-general and attorney-general, all of whom were appointed by the
Crown.
The judicial department
consisted of a Supreme Court composed of a chief justice and his
associates, and the precinct courts that met quarterly in each precinct.
In addition to these there were some minor courts. The legislature
consisted of an upper house composed of members of the council, and a
lower house elected by the people of the precincts. Certain towns were
also given representation in the lower house.
At first there were only
two counties and these were divided into precincts. These counties were
Albemarle and Bath, but in 1738 these precincts were made counties. There
was no chief town. The governor resided at his own place, and the Assembly
met frequently at private houses.
The first governor
appointed by the Crown was George Burrington. He had been governor under
the proprietors, but had been recalled. His administration was short. He
arrived in 1731 and his administration terminated in 1734. The settlers
welcomed Burrington, though his former administration had been turbulent.
This good feeling did not last long, for turmoil and strife soon followed.
Burrington was full of energy. He visited every part of the province,
explored the rivers and sounds and strove to 'aid the province. However,
he was quarrelsome and knew nothing of diplomacy. From good testimony it
appears that he was vulgar, profane and boisterous. He declared that the
settlers "always behaved insolently to the governors. All the governors
that were ever in the province lived in fear of the people and dreaded
their assemblies." This statement is borne out by the missionary Urmstone,
who said "they respect no authority that does not emanate from
themselves."
Very wisely Burrington was
recalled and Gabriel Johnston became his successor. Johnston was a
Scotchman who had been engaged in English politics in London. He was
different in temperament from Burrington. He felt himself gifted in the
art of bringing things to pass by what he called "management." He had many
opportunities to show his skill, for his administration was a long one,
extending over eighteen years - till 1752. There were many perplexing
problems that harassed Johnston. One was the collection of quit-rents.
Lands were not held by the settlers in fee simple. Each year they were
required to pay to the Crown certain rents called quit-rents, which were
nothing more than a tax. The time, place and means of the payment were the
causes of bitter trouble. In disgust, Johnston wrote that these people
"never were of any service to the proprietors, and I fear they never will
be to the king." The governor devised many schemes, but the Assembly under
the management of the astute Edward Mosely always interfered with his
plans. Finally Johnston determined that he would get control of the
Assembly by a trick of his "management." He called the Assembly to meet at
Wilmington in the month of November. This place was so far from the
populous Albemarle section that he thought few of the opposition from that
section would be able to attend. In this he was correct, for not even a
quorum was present. This did not embarrass Johnston, for he proceeded to
organize the Assembly and to legislate.
The most important
legislation of the session had to do with the Albemarle section. These old
precincts had each five representatives, while the new precincts had only
two. A law was enacted limiting the Albemarle precincts to two also. They
refused to abide by the law, and elected their customary five. The
Assembly refused to seat them, but Albemarle refused to send others. This
condition remained for eight years. Being unrepresented, Albemarle refused
to pay taxes. Inasmuch as the northern counties did not pay, the southern
refused also. Finally the Crown repealed the obnoxious legislation.
It was during Johnston's
administration that four companies were sent to join Admiral Vernon in his
attack on the Spaniards at New Carthage in South America. Also the coasts
were frequently attacked by parties from St. Augustine and by Spaniards.
In these attacks cattle was slaughtered, slaves stolen and some persons
killed. To protect the entrance to the Cape Fear, Fort Johnston was
erected at the mouth.
Worn out with care,
Governor Johnston died in 1752.
Expansion of the
Province, 1752-1765.
During the administration
of Johnston the province began to grow rapidly toward the west. Scotchmen
began to arrive as early as 1739, and to settle along the Cape Fear River.
At the end of the Johnston administration the population was estimated at
90,000. Johnston having died in office, he was succeeded by the president
of the Council, Nathaniel Rice. He lived only a few months when he was
succeeded by Matthew Rowan, a prominent merchant of Bath, who held the
office till the arrival of Arthur Dobbs in 1754. Immigrants had already
begun to pour into the "back country" before the arrival of Dobbs. Many
Scotchmen came to the colony immediately after the battle of Culloden in
1745, and settled on the Cape Fear; the Scotch-Irish came down in great
numbers from Pennsylvania and settled what is now the central portion of
the state; into the same region, only a little further west, came the
Germans-better known as the Pennsylvania Dutch, and the Moravians settled
in the northwest-called by them Wachovia. In addition to these immigrants
many Englishmen continued to come into the province. This tide of
immigration completely changed the character of the province. Hitherto, it
had been weak and feeble, but soon there were 125,000 people. Also, these
immigrants were of the highest type -industrious, frugal, religious,
intelligent. The fact that Johnston was from Scotland and that Dobbs was
from Ireland was an inducement to these people to come to this province.
At this time North Carolina was developing more rapidly than any other
province in America.
Religious Conditions.
In religion these new
immigrants were mostly Presbyterian and Lutheran. They believed in
education, and built their school houses and churches in the same grove.
In the east there were Baptists, Quakers and Episcopalians. Numerous
Vestry Acts had been passed with a view of permanently establishing the
Church of England, but these acts amounted to very little. These Vestry
Acts generally made each county a parish, the voters of each parish
selected the vestry to secure a minister who was required to be acceptable
to the bishop of London. The legislature fixed the fees for the minister
and provided for a glebe. In the eastern counties where there were members
of the Church of England it was not difficult to put these laws into
effect, but in the "back counties," where there were practically only
Dissenters, these acts were of no avail. Dissenters were chosen vestrymen,
and they failed to provide for a minister. In this way the law was
nullified.
The great missionary
society of England for the propagation of the gospel in foreign parts, had
sent missionaries to the province as early as 1701, but the efforts had
amounted to little. Later came Presbyterians and Baptists who were more
successful.
Land Grants.
Land grants on easy terms
were secured from the Crown. In order to encourage immigration, certain
London merchants were given large grants. McCulloch was granted 1,200,000
acres on the headwaters of the Pee Dee and the Cape Fear. He was to divide
this into baronies of 12,500 acres each. No rents were to be paid for many
years. These large grants caused much trouble up to the time of the
Revolution, when the McCulloch lands were confiscated. In 1744 Lord
Granville's lands were assigned him. He was given the northern half of the
province from the seat to the west. It was from him that the Moravians
made their purchase of 100,000 acres and established their communistic
settlement. It was unfortunate for the Crown and the province that an
absentee landlord was owner of one-half the land. It caused no end of
trouble. The rents went to him and not to the Crown. Many complaints were
made against Granville's agents; they made little effort to bring
settlers, and there was jealousy between the Crown's domain and the
Granville district. The laws for this district were made by the
legislature, but this divided rule was hurtful. Serious riots were
frequently threatened with the agents, which the Assembly was called upon
to settle. On one occasion a large body of men went to the home of Francis
Corbin, the agent, and compelled him to go with them to Enfield, where he
was forced to promise reforms under a "peculiar bond." Lord Granville
never gave up these lands, but lost them in the upheaval of the
Revolution.
French and Indian Wars.
In the French and Indian
war this province was quick to respond to the call for help. Under
President Rowan, before the arrival of Governor Dobbs, the Assembly voted
an aid of 750 men and £12,000. The command was given to Col. James Innes,
who had previously led the provincial troops against Spain in the attack
on New Carthagena. Colonel Innes led 450 of these troops to Virginia and
arrived there just after the discomfiture of young Washington at Great
Meadows. The commander of the expedition against the French was General
Frye. Just at this juncture he died, and Governor Dinwiddie prevailed upon
Innes to take chief command. The whole expedition had been poorly planned,
no provision had been made for the support of the troops and the French
outnumbered the English. Under these circumstances Colonel Innes sent the
North Carolina troops to their homes. He remained at the head of a handful
of troops till the English government appointed Governor Sharpe to the
chief command. In October, 1754, Governor Dobbs met with Governor
Dinwiddie at Winchester, and made plans for a more extensive campaign.
Colonel Innes was prevailed upon to remain with the army as
Camp-Master-General. When Fort Cumberland was finished he was made
governor. Braddock had now taken chief command and in July, 1755, made his
disastrous attack on the French and Indians. Colonel Innes received the
remnant of his army into Ft. Cumberland. Though it was August his
successor went into winter quarters in Philadelphia, leaving Innes with a
mere handful of men and the sick and wounded. Under these circumstances he
disbanded his men and returned to North Carolina.
Governor Dobbs was very
energetic all the time in support of the English government. He had been a
member of the army, and his son, Edward Brice Dobbs, was then a member. At
this time he was visiting his father. He organized a company to go to the
aid of General Braddock. In 1755 four companies were organized to go to
the help of the English in New York. Governor Dobbs met other governors in
Philadelphia, in 1757, to discuss ways and means to conduct the war. In
the same year two companies were sent into South Carolina to aid in
repelling an attack from that direction. In the campaign against Ft.
DuQuesne three companies were sent from North Carolina under the command
of Col. Hugh Waddell. He was probably the youngest colonel in the
expedition, but also the most expert Indian fighter. He often dressed as
an Indian and was skilled in their woodcraft. This knowledge was of great
service to the commander in this expedition.
The contribution of North
Carolina to this war was made under the most trying difficulties. Money
could be secured only by exporting products to other colonies, where they
were sold at a sacrifice. The English government voted funds to reimburse
the colonies, but North Carolina felt that she never received her share
and blamed Governor Dobbs for it.
While this war was waging
there was danger to the province nearer home. The Indians on the western
frontier were ready for the warpath. The Cherokees in the western
mountains had many fighting men. They began to make raids on the frontier
settlers and to massacre them. So great was the danger that the Assembly
erected a fort just beyond Salisbury, naming it Ft. Dobbs. Colonel Waddell
was placed in command. In 1756 another fort was erected still further
westward. The Moravian settlement also became a retreat for the settlers.
In February, 1760, the Indians attacked Ft. Dobbs in great numbers, but
were repulsed by Colonel Waddell. In 1761 a campaign against the Indians
was planned. Colonel Grant, of the English army, was to march against them
from the south, and Colonel Waddell from the north. Grant met the Indians
near the present town of Franklin and crushed them so that they sued for
peace.
There were other troubles
that worried the last days of Governor Dobbs. The old quarrel with the
Assembly continued. Dobbs was anxious to return to England, and so asked
for an assistant governor. He died before sailing, and the administration
of affairs passed to the lieutenant-governor, William Tryon, in 1765.
William Tryon and the War
of the Regulation, 1765-1771.
Tryon was the most
distinguished and accomplished of all the royal governors ever sent to the
province. He was well-born, accomplished, ambitious, diplomatic and suave
in manners. He was the one governor who was able to get along with the
Assembly. He was very popular, but this popularity he won only after a
bitter experience with the Assembly at the very beginning of his
administration. This trouble arose from the effort to enforce the Stamp
Act.
Tryon was told by Speaker
Ashe of the Assembly that they would resist its enforcement to the death.
Tryon therefore prorogued the Assembly. The people, however, were very
restless. On October 16 some 500 or 600 people assembled in the town of
Wilmington and burned Earl Bute in effigy. The crowd then compelled many
citizens of the town to come out to a bonfire and drink to "Liberty
property, and no stamp duty and confusion to Lord Bute." Dr. Houston, who
had been appointed stamp-master, was required to take oath that he would
sell no stamps. Mr. Stewart, the printer, was required to publish his
paper without the stamps. Instead of the stamps he printed a skull and
cross-bones with these words: "here is the place to affix the stamps." The
governor, seeing the dangerous trend of things, called together a number
of merchants for consultation and tried to persuade them to render
obedience to the law, but they refused firmly to try to prevail upon the
people to accept it.
On January 16 two vessels
came into the Cape Fear without the proper stamps. They were seized by an
English war-vessel, the Viper. There was great indignation among the
people. The crew, sent to Wilmington for supplies, was arrested and thrown
into prison, and no supplies were permitted to be sent to the vessel. The
militia of the county was called out, and under the commands of Colonels
Ashe and Waddell came to Brunswick, and threatened the vessel. The
commandant of Ft. Johnston, fearing that they might seize the fort, spiked
all the guns. These troops were not disorderly; they even visited the
governor and told him that no harm was intended to him, but that the
commerce of the Cape Fear must not be interrupted. There was no
concealment in the conduct of these men, and the best men of the province
were the leaders. Tryon was fearful that a general insurrection would
ensue, for the whole province was in sympathy with the conduct of these
leaders. Happily, at this juncture, the news arrived that the odious
measure would be promptly repealed. All disturbances now subsided. Tryon
had learned something of the type of men that he had come to rule, and in
the future he guided himself accordingly.
Tryon and his wife were
fond of society and possessed many social accomplishments. When the
Assembly met they made friends rapidly. He prevailed upon them to locate
the capital at New Bern and to undertake the building of a palace for the
governor, and one of the finest buildings in America was erected. Under
Tryon European court etiquette reached its highest point in this colony.
His receptions were full of forms and ceremonies that appealed to the
imagination of the Assembly, and to the best people of the province. Of
course, this palace created a debt, but no word of complaint was heard
save from the "back counties."
One other very prominent
trait of Tryon was his fondness for military display. He was never happier
than when he was surrounded by a military escort and exercising the pomp
of arms. He felt that such display impressed the imaginations of the
people with the power and strength of government. For example, there was a
demand that the dividing line between the province and the Cherokee
Indians be run. Instead of sending surveyors, he organized the militia of
Rowan and Mecklenburg counties into a regular army, and with the flare of
trumpets and the beat of drums he marched into the region, camped for a
few days, returned home and left the surveyors to run the line. He made
the desired impression on the Indians, for they called him "the Great
Wolf." Then, too, it helped to cement the Tryon party and to make him
popular with many people. This proved a heavy expense, but the Assembly,
unlike the Assembly of earlier days, had no complaint to make.
Regulators.
The most important and most
dramatic event in the colonial history of the province was the Regulator
movement. The most notable outbreak occurred in Orange county, though the
sympathizers with the Regulator complaints were found in various sections.
The movement was the outcome of conditions social, political, economic
and, some have thought, religious. The social life of the new west, or
"back counties," was different from the old east. These new settlers were
farmers; they had little intercourse with the east, and they were too far
from the sea to engage in trade. They had little money, which was always a
defect in the economic life of the province. They had an abundance of
produce, but they could not obtain money for it. In religion they were
dissenters. Their ministers were strong leaders. In fact the settlements
were made in small groups, and each group had its leader, who was
frequently the minister. The system of local government did not tend to
bind them to the east. The county officers received their appointment from
the governor. There was centralization in government, but decentralization
in everything else. It was out of conditions like these that complaints
began to be made as early as 1765 against the county officials. The first
formal complaint was made on June 6, 1765, in the famous Nutbush paper of
Granville county. This paper set forth some of the grievances under which
the people claimed to labor. This brief paper complained of the illegal
exactions of lawyers and clerks, and declared that "few of you have not
felt the weight of these iron fists." Similar but fuller complaints were
made in Orange and Anson in 1766. Protests were sent to the Assembly, but
there was no redress of grievances. That these grievances were real, and
not imaginary, no one denies. Feeling grew so intense that the Orange
Regulators in March, 1768, declared that they would pay no more taxes
"till there is a settlement to our satisfaction." The mild protests of
1766 and 1767 had gone unheeded, and so now the era of threats and force
began. The sheriff of Orange was warned that any effort to collect tax
would be at his peril. He did not heed this warning but seized a mare,
bridle and saddle for taxes. A number of indignant Regulators proceeded to
Hillsboro, rescued the property and fired into the house of Edmund
Fanning, whom they regarded as responsible for the failure to heed their
grievances. For this offense two men, Herman Husbands and William Butler,
were arrested on April 30. On May 3, 700 Regulators went to Hillsboro to
secure their release, but found that they were already released on bail.
In July Governor Tryon came in person to Hillsboro, and returned in
September, bringing troops from Rowan, Orange and Granville to protect the
court that was to be in session. Here was another example of Tryon's
fondness for display, though it cost the province £20,000. When the court
met a great band of Regulators numbering, it was estimated, 3,700 came
near the town, and sent to inform the governor that they wished to lay
aside all illegal methods of settling their grievances. Tryon took no
notice of their request, and so the Regulators returned to their homes.
Things now remained quiet for a time. A new Assembly had been called and
many new men had been elected. The Regulators were hoping to obtain a
favorable hearing from them, but were doomed to disappointment. Other
things also happened to irritate the Regulators. When the Hillsboro court
met in September, 1770, a band of Regulators came to town, entered the
court-house, intimidated the judge till he fled, whipped some lawyers,
assaulted Fanning and permitted him to go on condition that "he take the
road and continue running until he should get out of their sight." Then
they took possession of the courthouse and proceeded to hold a mock court,
entering all kinds of ridiculous verdicts on the record. Their whole
conduct smacks of the rude horseplay common to American frontier life.
Governor Tryon now began to
contemplate the use of force. The judges, attorney-general and Council
advised this course. The Assembly was now called and proceeded to pass the
Johnson Bill, better known as the Bloody Act, which made rioting treason.
Husbands, a leader among the Regulators, was a member of this Assembly. He
was expelled but was arrested at once, and was to be tried in New Bern.
Only the failure of the grand jury to return a true bill prevented the
Regulators from marching a large body to New Bern to release him by force.
Governor Tryon, in the
meantime, placed the town under military control, and had the militia held
in readiness all along the expected line of march.
In April Tryon, having
completed his preparation, began to collect his troops and to move into
the "back counties." He assembled about 1,200 troops, collected mostly
from the eastern and southeastern counties, the Albemarle section,
however, refusing to send troops. Tryon took personal command of this
division. The brilliant Hugh Waddell was sent to raise an army in the
counties of Mecklenburg, Anson and Rowan. In this region Waddell was well
known and beloved as the defender of Ft. Dobbs. He assembled his troops
but failed to march further than the Yadkin River, near Salisbury. Here he
found himself surrounded by so many Regulator sympathizers that he called
a council of war, and it was decided not safe to proceed any further.
Then, too, his powder wagons had been surprised while in camp in what is
now Cabarrus county, and destroyed by masked men.
Tryon, in the meantime,
marched to Hillsboro, and on May 16 came face to face with a large band of
Regulators and their friends on Alamance Creek, a few miles beyond
Hillsboro. Great numbers of these people had not come up for a battle and
were unarmed. When the battle began most of them fled. Of this battle
Tryon says: "The loss of our army in killed and wounded and missing amount
to about sixty. The action lasted two hours, but after about half an hour
the enemy took to tree-fighting, and much annoyed our men who stood at the
guns." The loss in killed and wounded among the Regulators is not
definitely known. It has been variously estimated from twelve to two
hundred.
Immediately after the
battle one person, Few, was hanged. He was said to have been half
demented. The victorious army then marched to Sandy Creek Baptist church
and destroyed the property of the Regulators, especially the farm of
Herman Husbands, where one of the army wrote that they "found fifty acres
of the finest wheat." Thence the army moved further west to make a
junction with Waddell. They met near the Moravian settlement. After a few
days Tryon sent Waddell back into Rowan and Mecklenburg to quiet any
defection in those parts. Tryon himself, with the main body, returned to
Hillsboro, where a number of prisoners were put on trial for their lives
for high treason. Twelve were pronounced worthy of death, and six of them
immediately executed in the presence of the governor and surrounded by his
troops. Tryon then announced to his army that his work in North Carolina
was ended. Before the battle he had been notified of his appointment to
the governorship of New York. He proceeded to New Bern and left the army
to be disbanded by Colonel Ashe. Among those executed at Hillsboro was
James Pugh. He received permission from the governor to speak at the
gallows. In his speech he "refused to make any acknowledgments for what he
had done, that his blood would be as seed sown in good ground, which would
produce a hundredfold."
The battle of Alamance
effectually ended the Regulator troubles. These people had real
grievances, but they attempted to remedy them in an unlawful manner. For
this they must not be judged too harshly, for they were frontiersmen, and
frontiersmen are not accustomed to look to the government for much
protection.
Governor Tryon did not use
all the means in his power to pacify these people. He was needlessly harsh
in his treatment of them, and drove them from their homes. Morgan Edwards
made a tour through this section one year after the battle and wrote that
"it is said 1,500 families departed since the battle of Alamance, and to
my knowledge a great many more are only waiting to dispose of their
plantations in order to follow them."
The End of the Provincial
Period.
Gov. Josiah Martin, the
last of the royal governors, took up the unfinished tasks of Governor
Tryon. He tried to make friends with the Regulators, but it was too late,
for great numbers of them had determined to go to the more western
counties, and they did. Unlike Tryon, Martin was not able to make friends
with the leaders of the Assembly, and so the old clash between the
governor and the Assembly returned. The debts of the province had greatly
increased. Money was not to be had in sufficient quantity to conduct the
affairs of trade, and politically, the province was divided. However, the
province had continued to prosper. Sawmills had been erected and iron
furnaces had been started. In the "back counties" there were some good
farms. Population was steadily increasing, though the disturbances had
checked its rapid growth. In 1766 Tryon said that a thousand immigrant
wagons passed through the town of Salisbury.
In character, Martin was
very different from Tryon. He possessed none of the latter's fascination
and diplomacy, but had an exalted idea of the royal prerogatives. Among
the more influential of the people he never made an intimate friend. Three
local troubles arose to embarrass and to harass him. The boundary line
between North and South Carolina had not been completed beyond the Catawba
River. Martin's royal instructions for continuing it were such that the
province felt that it was being deprived of territory that rightfully
belonged to it. Over this he and the Assembly had a prolonged quarrel.
Also, certain special taxes the people thought should be abolished, that
enough had been collected to meet the purpose for which it had been
levied. But the most exasperating problem was the enactment of a judicial
system, or Court Law. The act creating a judiciary was limited in time.
This time was now expired, and Governor Martin could never prevail upon
the Assembly to pass a new act conformable to his instructions. The result
was that the province was left practically without courts of law. This was
the first feature of the royal government to fail. These three local cases
were sufficient to have prepared North Carolina for the more important
movement impending.
In 1773 the Assembly began
to take notice of English colonial legislation by the appointment of a
committee to keep it informed on such matters, and 1774 found North
Carolina in full and free correspondence with the other colonies. The
colonies had resolved to bring about concert of action through a
continental congress. Governor Martin determined that his province should
send no delegate, that he would call no assembly as Tryon had done in
regard to the Stamp Act Congress of Albany. Col. John Harvey, the speaker
of the Assembly, heard of this intention, and declared that "then the
people will convene one themselves." Harvey's suggestion was carried out
and the first Provincial Congress met at New Bern on Aug. 25, 1774.
Governor Martin issued a proclamation forbidding such a meeting, but it
was unheeded. Though the notice was short, most of the influential members
of the Assembly were present. Twenty-nine of the thirty-five counties were
represented by seventy delegates. This congress denounced English
legislation-especially the tax on tea, declared that the cause of Boston
was the cause of all, and called for a continental congress and also
appointed committees of safety in each county to see that such agreements
as might be made at such a congress be enforced.
Governor Martin called for
a new Assembly to meet at New Bern in April, 1775. Colonel Harvey called
another provincial congress to meet at the same time and place. Governor
Martin fulminated and proclaimed against this meeting also, but it was of
no avail. Both the Assembly and the Congress met at the same time and
place, and were composed largely of the same men. Colonel Harvey was
elected speaker of the Assembly and also moderator of the Congress. On
motion, the Assembly would transform itself into the Congress and vice
versa. In reality the bodies were but one, though different records were
kept. One, however, was legal, while the other was revolutionary. After a
few days Governor Martin, in disgust, dismissed the Assembly. The Congress
had adjourned the previous day. Soon after the adjournment came the news
of the fight at Lexington. The news created excitement and indignation,
and on May 20, 1775, was passed the famous Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence, or, at least, the Mecklenburg Resolves of May 31.
Governor Martin was now ill
at ease. His every action was watched by the New Bern Committee of Safety.
He began to feel that his palace was only a prison. He sent his family to
New York and himself went to Ft. Johnston on the Cape Fear, or as he
expressed it, "sought safety under the protecting guns of the British
sloop-of-war lying at the mouth of the Cape Fear." However, he had been in
no personal danger, no threat had been made against him, and he could have
remained in perfect safety in the palace, fully protected by his sheer
helplessness. Thus ended Martin's four years of rule, and with his flight
from the palace practically ended English rule in the province.
In August the third
Provincial Congress met - not in the east, but in the west - at Hillsboro.
This body consisted of one hundred and eighty-four members. It promptly
declared that since the governor had "abdicated" it was necessary to
create some form of temporary government. They proceeded to enlarge the
committee system. There were created committees for each county, each
judicial district, and a central committee for the whole province. The
affairs of the province now passed into the hands of these popular bodies,
and no semblance of royal authority remained. This Congress also put the
province in military readiness to meet any emergencies. The militia was
organized into six battalions, and two regiments of 500 men each were
organized for the Continental Line. Aid was promptly sent to Virginia, to
South Carolina and against the western Indians.
This military preparation
was none too soon, for the English were making ready for a campaign
against North Carolina. A fleet was to come to the mouth of the Cape Fear
and make a junction with the loyalist forces that were to march down from
the interior. In January, 1776, the loyalists began to assemble at Cross
Creek, the centre of the great Scotch settlement. The object of the
loyalists was to make the junction with the fleet by marching down the
river. The provincial militia was collected at once under Caswell, Moore
and others. An active campaign of a month began now. The provincials
placed themselves across the line of march. After much marching and
counter marching the two forces met, Feb. 27, 1776, at Moore's Creek
Bridge, only a few miles from Wilmington. The battle was short, but fierce
and decisive. The Scotch loyalists, or Tories, were completely defeated.
In the engagement about a thousand provincials took part, though six
thousand had been engaged in the manoeuvres. The Scotch loyalists numbered
between two and three thousand. The failure of this uprising completely
frustrated the plans of the fleet, which came, looked into the Cape Fear,
took Governor Martin on board and sailed further south.
Soon after the battle the
fourth Provincial Congress met at Halifax in April. The formation of a
constitution and a permanent form of government was discussed, but was
wisely postponed. The people of the province were now ripe for
independence. As early as April, 1774, William Hooper had declared that
the American colonies "were striding fast to independence." On April 12
this fourth Provincial Congress instructed its delegates to the
Continental Congress - Hooper, Penn and Hewes - to vote for independence,
complete separation from England. This matter was brought up in the
Continental Congress, and the wisdom of immediate action was discussed
from day to day. Many patriots doubted the wisdom of immediate
declaration. John Adams tells how Joseph Hewes determined the matter: "One
day while a member was producing documents to show that the general
opinion of all the colonies was for independence, among them North
Carolina, Hewes, who had hitherto constantly voted against it, started
suddenly upright, and lifting both hands to heaven, cried out, `It is done
and I will abide by it.' I would give more for a perfect picture of the
terror and horror upon the face of the old majority at that critical
moment than for the best piece of Raphael." To Jefferson, Adams wrote in
1819: "You know the unanimity of the states finally depended on the vote
of Joseph Hewes, and was finally determined by him; yet history is to
ascribe the American Revolution to Thomas Paine!" Thus ended the royal
province of North Carolina, and the old dispensation gave way to the new.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. - Ashe:
Biographical History of North Carolina; Bassett: Regulators of North
Carolina; Caruthers: Life of Caldwell (1842); Foote: Sketches of North
Carolina (1846); Graham: The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence;
Hoyt: The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence.; Haywood: William
Tryon; Jones: A Defense of the Revolutionary History of North Carolina
(1834); Martin: History of North Carolina to 1776 (2 vols., 1829); McRee:
Life and Correspondence of James Iredell (2 vols., 1857); Raper: North
Carolina: A Study in English Colonial History; Sikes: Transition from
Colony to Commonwealth (1898); Weeks: The Religious Development of the
Province of North Carolina (1892), Church and State in North Carolina
(1893); Williamson: History of North Carolina (2 vols., 1812); Colonial
Records of North Carolina (Vols. HL-X., inclusive, 1886-1890); Waddell: A
Colonial Officer and His Times (1890).
ENOCH WALTER SIKES,
Professor of Political Science, Wake Forest College. |