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Part III
Military Annals of
the Highland Regiments
Section II
Flanders—Fontenoy 1745—The
Regiment cover the Retreat of the Army after the Battle—England—Prestonpans
1745—Coast of France 1746—Ireland—Flanders 1747—Ireland 1748—Character.
The regiment was soon
restored to order, and, towards the end of May, embarked for Flanders,
where it joined the army under the command of Field-Marshal the Earl of
Stair. Unfortunately, it arrived too late to be present at the battle of
Dettingen; but although the men had not then an opportunity of showing
themselves good soldiers in the field, all the accounts agree that, by
their conduct, they proved themselves decent and orderly in quarters.
"That regiment (Sempill's Highlanders) was judged the most trust-worthy
guard of property, insomuch that the people in Flanders chose to have them
always for their protection. Seldom was any of them drunk, and they as
rarely swore. And the Elector Palatine wrote to his envoy in London,
desiring him to thank the King of Great Britain for the excellent
behaviour of the regiment while in his territories in 1743 and 1744; 'and
for whose sake,' he adds, 'I will always pay a respect and regard to a
Scotchman in future.'" [Dr Doddridge's Life of Colonel Gardiner. London,
1749.]
The regiment was not
engaged in active service during the whole of 1743 and 1744, but was
quartered in different parts of the country, where it continued to
maintain the same character. By several private letters written at that
period from the Continent, it appears, that they had gained the good
opinion and entire confidence of the inhabitants, who expressed their
anxious desire to have a Highland soldier quartered in each of their
houses, "as these men were not only quiet, kind, and domestic, but served
as a protection against the rudeness of others."
In April 1745, Lord Sempill,
being appointed to the 25th regiment, was succeeded, as colonel of the
Highlanders, by Lord John Murray, son of the Duke of Atholl.
The season was now well
advanced, and the King of France, with the Dauphin, had joined his army in
Flanders, under the command of Marshal Count Saxe, who, having been
strongly reinforced, determined to open the campaign by laying siege to
Tournay, then garrisoned by eight thousand men, under General Baron Dorth.
Early in May, the Duke of Cumberland arrived from England, and assumed the
command of the allied army, which consisted of twenty battalions and
twenty-six squadrons of British, five battalions and sixteen squadrons of
Hanoverians, all under the immediate command of his Royal Highness;
twenty-six battalions and forty squadrons of Dutch, under the command of
the Prince of Waldeck; and eight squadrons of Austrians, under
Field-Marshal Konigseg.
With this force the allied
generals resolved to raise the siege of Tournay, before which the French
had broken ground on the 30th of April. The French army was more numerous,
but the whole of their force could not be brought forward, as large
detachments were left in front of Tournay and other places. Marshal Saxe
was soon aware of the intention of the Allies, and prepared to receive
them. He drew up his line of battle on the right bank of the Scheldt,
extending from the wood of Barri to Fontenoy, and thence to the village of
St Antoine. Entrenchments were thrown up at both these places, besides
three redoubts in the intermediate space, and two at the corner of the
wood of Barri, whence a deep ravine extended as far as Fontenoy, and
another from that village to St Antoine. A double line of infantry in
front, and cavalry in the rear, occupied the whole space from the wood to
St Antoine, while an additional force of cavalry and infantry was posted
behind the redoubts and batteries. A battery was also erected on the other
side of the river, opposite to St Antoine. The artillery, which was very
numerous, was distributed along the line, and in the village and redoubts.
Such was the position
pitched upon by Marshal Saxe to receive the Allies, who moved forward on
the 9th of May, and encamped between the villages of Bougries and Moubray,
at a short distance from the outposts of the enemy. On the evening of that
day, the Duke went out and reconnoitred the position chosen by the French
general. The Highland regiment was ordered to the advanced post, "when his
Royal Highness, with Field-Marshal Konigseg and the Prince of Waldeck,
went out to reconnoitre, covered by the Highlanders, who kept up a sharp
fire with the grassins [Sharpshooters] concealed in the woods. After this
service was performed, Lord Crawford, being left in command of the advance
of the army, proceeded with the Highlanders and a party of hussars to
examine the outposts more narrowly. In the course of this duty, a
Highlander in advance, observing that one of the grassins repeatedly fired
at his post, placed his bonnet upon the top of a stick, near the verge of
a hollow road. This stratagem decoyed the Frenchman; and while he was
intent on his object, the Highlander, approaching cautiously to a point
which afforded a sure aim, succeeded in bringing him to the ground." [Rolt's
Life of the Earl of Craufurd.]
Whilst the allied generals
were thus employed, it was found that the plain between their position and
that of the French camp, was covered with some flying squadrons of the
enemy, and that their outposts likewise commanded certain narrow defiles,
through which the allied forces must march to attack the besieging army.
It became, of course, necessary to disperse these squadrons, and to
dislodge the outposts. As this service could not be attempted at so late
an hour in the evening, it was postponed until an early hour next morning,
when six battalions and twelve squadrons were ordered to scour the plain,
and clear the defiles. In this detachment was included a party of the
Highlanders, who, consequently, for the first time, saw the face, and
stood the fire of the enemy in a regular body. To the conduct of these
Highlanders, in this their noviciate in the field, we have the following
testimony: "A party of Highlanders was selected to support some Austrian
hussars, hotly pressed by the French light troops, who were quickly
repulsed with loss; and the Highlanders were taken great notice of for
their spirited conduct." [History of the War.]
The plain being cleared,
and the French outposts driven in, the Commander-in-chief of the allied
army rode over it, and having examined the ground between the respective
camps, made his dispositions for attacking the enemy next morning. The
British and Hanoverian infantry were formed in two lines opposite the
space between Fontenoy and the wood of Barri, with their cavalry in the
rear. The right of the Dutch was posted near the left of the Hanoverians,
and their left towards St Antoine, fronting that place and the redoubts
between it and Fontenoy.
These arrangements being
completed, his Royal Highness moved forward at two o'clock in the morning
of the 11th of May, and drew up his army in the above order, in front of
the enemy. Previously to the general engagement, the Duke ordered an
attack on a redoubt advanced on the right of the wood, occupied by 600
men. This operation took place about four in the morning, "when the Guards
and Highlanders began the battle, and attacked a body of French near Vizou,
in the vicinity of which place the Dauphin was posted. Though they were
entrenched breast-high, the Guards with bayonets, and the Highlanders with
sword, pistol, and dirk, forced them out, killing a considerable number."
[History of the War]
Thus successful in the
commencement, the British and Hanoverians advanced to the attack, and,
after a severe contest, in which every inch of ground was disputed, they
drove the enemy back on their entrenchments. During this operation, the
Dutch on the left attacked Fontenoy, but without success. The army
suffering exceedingly from the batteries, which kept up an incessant fire,
the Duke of Cumberland detached a body of infantry to occupy the wood of
Barri, and drive the enemy from that redoubt. The Highlanders formed part
of this detachment; but, owing to a mistake in delivering the orders, or a
misconception on the part of Brigadier-General Ingoldsby, and the loss of
Lieutenant-General Sir James Campbell of Lawers, who was mortally wounded,
this attack did not take place. Immediately afterwards his Royal Highness
ordered Lord Sempill's regiment away to assist in the attack on the
village, which still held out against the Dutch, who had failed in every
attempt. Notwithstanding these untoward circumstances, the Duke determined
to attempt the passage of the ravine between the redoubts and the village.
When the British had advanced beyond this ravine, the ground between the
wood and Fontenoy being insufficient for the whole to form in line, the
flanks wheeled back on their right and left, and then facing towards their
proper front, moved forward, along with the centre; thus forming the three
sides of a hollow square. While the whole were pushing forward in this
order, the French infantry made three desperate attacks, supported by the
cavalry, who attempted to charge, and avail themselves of the impression
made by the infantry. They were repulsed, however, in every charge, though
assisted by a tremendous cannonade from the redoubts, the batteries in the
wood and on the opposite bank of the Scheldt, and from the villages which
still remained in possession of the enemy. [Indeed, the fire from two of
the redoubts was latterly more noisy than dangerous; for the shot being
expended, they only fired powder. From the noise and confusion, the
deception was not discovered. Though the cannonade from these redoubts was
so harmless, they kept up such a rapid and continued fire, that they
appeared to be the most active and efficient of the whole.]
The previous arrangements
of Marshal Saxe were most judicious, and his movements well supported by
the batteries, which could all bear on the English line when advanced
beyond the ravine.
These attacks lasted
several hours. The English, although suffering severely, were always
gaining ground in advance of the front line of the redoubts. Marshal Saxe,
perceiving that no decisive effect was produced, and that, while he was
losing his bravest men, the English were gaining upon him, became anxious
for the result, and sent notice to the King of France that it was
necessary to retire farther from danger. He resolved, however, to make one
desperate attack, with every arm which he could bring to bear on the
British, who had now advanced so far beyond the confined ground as to be
able to form the greatest part of the army into line. He quitted a litter,
in which he had been carried the whole day, being much reduced by
long-continued disease (a dropsy far advanced), and mounting on horseback,
two men supporting him on each side as he rode, he brought up the
household troops of the King of France: his best cavalry were posted on
the flanks, and the flower of the infantry, with the King's body guards,
in the centre. He also brought forward all his field-pieces, and, under
cover of their fire and that of the batteries, he made a combined charge
of cavalry and infantry on the English line. This united attack was
irresistible. The British were forced to give way, and were driven back
across the ravine. The Highlanders who had been ordered up from the attack
of the village, and two other regiments ordered from the reserve to
support the line, were borne down by the retreating body, and retired
along with them. The whole rallied beyond the ravine, and after some
delay, the Duke determined on a final retreat, directing that the
Highlanders and Howard's (the 19th) regiment should cover the rear of the
retreating army, and check the advance of the enemy, who pursued the
moment the retreat commenced. The Dutch and Hanoverians retired at the
same time.
A great military error
seems to have been committed in advancing so far while the fortified
villages and redoubts remained in possession of the enemy. On the other
hand, Marshal Saxe had not strengthened with sufficient care the ravine,
or space between Fontenoy and the wood of Barri. This oversight had nearly
lost him the battle; for if the village had been taken by the Dutch (to
whom this duty was intrusted), before the British forced their way through
the ravine, their flanks would not have suffered. Indeed, the enemy could
not have maintained their ground had their own guns been turned upon them.
Marshal Saxe, in his account of the battle, says, "The truth is, I did not
suppose that any general would be so hardy as to venture to make his way
through in that place." In this opinion he paid a handsome compliment to
the troops who penetrated a defile which this able master of the art of
war thought so impracticable, that he neglected the defences which were
afterwards found necessary, and for which he had had full time, as he was
three days in the position previous to the attack.
A battle of such
importance, with a result so unfortunate, occasioned, as may be imagined,
much discussion both in public and in private, and gave rise to numerous
pamphlets and publications. I shall adduce such parts of the
correspondence of persons present as will, in some manner, show what part
the Highlanders bore in the battle. As it was the first in which the
regiment had encountered an enemy, the attention of many was directed
towards them. Some were suspicious of their conduct in the service of a
king to whose authority they were supposed to be adverse. [This impression
was so strong in some high quarters, that, on the rapid charges made by
the Highlanders, when pushing forward sword in hand nearly at full speed,
and advancing so far, it was suggested that they inclined to change sides
and join the enemy, who had already three brigades of Scotch and Irish
engaged, which performed very important services on that day.] Others,
again, anxious for the honour and military fame of Scotland, rejoiced in
this opportunity of putting them to the test, and of showing that, opposed
to a common enemy, they would well sustain the honour of their country.
Captain John Munro [This gentleman was promoted the same year, in a manner
somewhat startling to our present ideas of strict regard to justice,
precedency, and length of service. Although there were a major and three
captains senior to him in the regiment, he was appointed
lieutenant-colonel in room of Sir Robert Munro, and continued in this
situation, till succeeded, in 1749, by the late Duke of Argyll, then
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, on the half-pay of Lord Loudon's Highlanders.
I have not been able to discover if this promotion, from the command of a
company to that of a regiment, was a reward for any marked good conduct in
this battle, in which it appears he commanded the regiment, in their more
rapid movements, immediately under Sir Robert Munro, who, from his extreme
corpulency, and being on foot, could not move with the rapidity sometimes
necessary.] of Lord John Murray's Highlanders, (as they were now called),
in a letter to his friend, President Forbes of Culloden, says, "While
things were going on in this manner, the left did not succeed so well, and
in a short time we were ordered to cross the field, and attack (our
regiment I mean, for the rest of the brigade did not march to this attack)
the village of Fontenoy. As we passed the field, the French batteries
played upon our right and left flanks, but to little purpose, for their
batteries being on a rising ground, their balls flew over us, and struck
the second line. We were to support the Dutch, who, in their usual way,
were very dilatory. We were obliged to wait (covering ourselves from the
fire) for the Dutch, who, when they came up, behaved so and so. In the
course of an hour, the Dutch gave way, and Sir Robert Munro thought we
should retire, for we had the whole batteries of the enemy's line playing
upon us. We retired, but had not marched fifty yards when we had orders to
return and support the Hanoverians, who were at this time advancing on the
batteries on the left. They behaved most gallantly and bravely, and had
the Dutch taken example by them, we had supped at Tournay.
"By two o'clock the whole
retreated, and we were ordered to cover the retreat of the army, as the
only regiment that could be kept to their duty. The Duke made so friendly
a speech to us, that, if we had been ordered to attack their lines afresh,
our poor fellows would have done it." [Culloden Papers]
In the official account of
this battle, it is stated, that, "after several other attempts with more
or less success, and after the Austrians and Dutch had failed in their
attack, it was resolved by the Duke of Cumberland, Prince Waldeck, and the
Field Marshal, that the whole army should retire, and the commanding
officers of General Howard's (19th regiment), and of the Highlanders, were
ordered to put themselves in readiness to cover the retreat, which was
made in great order; the two battalions fronting and forcing back the
enemy at every hundred paces." [Official Dispatches]
Such confidence in the
steadiness of a new regiment, in its first encounter with an enemy, is not
common. The first in the attack, they were also the last in the retreat,
and, together with another corps, successfully resisted all the attacks of
the pursuing enemy, who, elated with success, were consequently the more
ardent and enterprising.
The Highlanders were
fortunate in being commanded on that day by a man of talents, presence of
mind, and a thorough knowledge of his men.
[Colonel Sir Robert Munro
of Fowlis, Baronet, chief of his name and clan, fee 24th in regular
descent from father to son of his family, and member in several
Parliaments for the county of Ross. He served in the latter part of King
William's reign, and in Queen Anne's wars, under the Duke of Marlborough,
by whom he was appointed to a company in the Scotch Royals in 1712; and in
1714 he was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel. In 1739, he was appointed
Lieutenant-Colonel of the new Highland Regiment. Lord Craufurd, the
Colonel, being abroad, the discipline was conducted by the
Lieutenant-Colonel,—in what manner, and with what success, may be judged
from the behaviour of the regiment at Fontenoy. On this account he was
promoted to the command of the 37th regiment in room of General Ponsonby,
who was killed that day.
He commanded his new
regiment at the battle of Falkirk, in January 1746; but on this occasion
he was not supported by his men as he had been at Fontenoy, for they fled
on the first charge of the rebels. Colonel Munro, disdaining to fly, was
cut down, and his brother, Doctor Munro, who was present, seeing his
situation, ran forward to support him, and shared the same fate. He was
buried the following day with the homage due to so honourable a man, and
so gallant a soldier; all the rebel officers, and crowds of the men
attending his funeral, anxious to show the last mark of respect to a man
whom, notwithstanding the difference of their political principles, they
so much esteemed.
His family was unfortunate
this year. His brother, Captain George Munro of Culcairn, who had retired
from the Highland regiment in the year 1744, raised a company in 1745 for
the King's service, and put himself under the command of Lord Loudon.
Marching with a party of men along the side of Loch Arkaig, in Lochaber,
he was shot by a Highlander, whose house had been burned, his cattle
plundered, and his son killed defending his family, who were turned out in
the snow. Thus fell three brothers within a few months. Culcairn's death
was the more lamented, as he was not the victim intended. The officer whom
the Highlander had marked for destruction, as the author of this inhuman
outrage on bis innocent family, wore a cloak of a particular kind. Riding
with Culcairn in a shower of rain, he gave him the cloak, and passed the
Highlander, who laying in wait for his enemy, perceived the cloak but not
the difference of person, and, taking a sure aim, Culcairn fell dead from
his horse. It is a curious circumstance, that the man was never
apprehended or punished, although he was well known, and made no secret of
the business. This gentleman's death occasioned the more observation and
concern, as it was the only instance of revenge, or murder in cold blood,
that occurred during the whole progress of the insurrection; if that can
be called cold blood where a man had his son killed, the rest of his
children and his wife driven out upon the snow, and his house and property
burnt and destroyed—sufficient motives for kindling a spirit of
retaliation in the coldest blood. With this exception, however, all
opposition was in the open field, or what is considered fair military
warfare.
Colonel Grant of Moy, who
died in April 1822, in his 90th year, was walking along the road with a
gun on his shoulder when Culcairn was shot. A turn of the road concealed
him from the soldiers at the moment; but when he came in sight with his
gun, they immediately seized him upon suspicion, and carried him to Fort
William. After a short confinement he was released. Colonel Grant entered
the 42d as a volunteer, or soldier of fortune, and afterwards got a
cadetship in India, from which he returned with a handsome fortune nearly
fifty years ago.]
He knew the way of managing
them to the best advantage,—a qualification of great moment to a leader of
troops, and the neglect of which, in the choice of officers, has sometimes
occasioned serious losses to the service. As there is no moral quality of
higher importance to a corps, than that patriotic spirit which leads every
individual to connect his own honour with that of his country, so the
greatest care should be taken to cherish and propagate this spirit. A
judicious selection of officers is one of the primary means to this
important end, as, by the influence of their conduct and example, the
character of the men will in a great measure be formed. There have been
instances, in which national spirit and patriotic feelings have existed
among troops for years, independently of example or influence from
superiors; but such instances are rare and anomalous. General experience
shows that the moral temperament, and indeed the mind that actuates a body
of men, cannot be properly guided and cultivated without due
qualifications on the part of their leader.
"The gallantry of Sir
Robert Munro and his regiment at Fontenoy, was the theme of admiration
through all Britain. He had obtained leave of the Duke of Cumberland to
allow them to fight in their own way. Sir Robert, according to the usage
of his countrymen, ordered the whole regiment to clap to the ground on
receiving the French fire, and instantly after its discharge, they sprang
up, and coming close to the enemy, poured in their shot upon them to the
certain destruction of multitudes, and drove them precipitately through
their own lines; then retreating drew up again, and attacked them a second
time after the same manner. These attacks they repeated several times the
same day, to the surprise of the whole army. Sir Robert was every where
with his regiment, notwithstanding his great corpulency, and when in the
trenches, he was hauled out by the legs and arms by his own men; and it is
observed, that when he commanded the whole regiment to clap to the ground,
he himself alone, with the colours behind him, stood upright receiving the
whole fire of the enemy;
[At this period the
celebrated Dr Adam Ferguson was chaplain to the Highland regiment. When
the regiment was taking its ground on the morning of the battle, Sir
Robert Munro perceived the chaplain in the ranks, and, with a friendly
caution, told him there was no necessity for him to expose himself to
danger, and that he ought to be out of the line of the fire. Mr Ferguson
thanked Sir Robert for his friendly advice, but added, that, upon this
occasion, he had a duty which he was imperiously called upon to perform.
Accordingly, he continued with the regiment during the whole of the
action, in the hottest of the fire, praying with the dying, attending to
the wounded, and directing them to be carried to a place of safety. By his
fearless zeal, his intrepidity, his friendship towards the soldiers
(several of whom had been his school-fellows at Dunkeld), and his amiable
and cheerful manners; by reproving them with severity when it was
necessary, mixing among them with ease and familiarity, and being as ready
as any of them with a poem or heroic tale,—he acquired an unbounded
ascendancy over them. Such chaplains as Dr Ferguson are rarely to be met
with; but as many pious and exemplary clergymen may be procured, it is
matter of regret that this office has been lately dispensed with. It has
been said, that chaplains were frequently men of immoral characters, who,
by their profligate example, were more calculated to do evil than good. As
this must have proceeded from an improper choice, it may be presumed that,
if due precautions were observed, and the pay of chaplains increased in
the same proportion as that of surgeons, pious, able, and learned men
would enter an honourable service, where their incomes would render them
independent, and where their religious and moral instructions, enforced by
their own example, would influence the conduct, and prove highly
beneficial to every rank under their charge.
This regiment was
peculiarly fortunate in the choice of chaplains made for them by Lord John
Murray, while he commanded. These were Dr Ferguson, Messieurs James and
John Stewart for the two second battalions, raised in 1758 and 1780, and
Mr Maclagan, afterwards minister of Blair Athole, than whom, perhaps, the
Highlands of Scotland could not have produced a successor more worthy of
Dr Ferguson, or a chaplain better qualified for the Highland regiment.]
and this, because, (as he
said), though he could easily lie down, his great bulk would not suffer
him to rise so quickly. His preservation that day was the surprise and
astonishment, not only of the whole army, but of all that heard the
particulars of the action; and a most eminent person in the army was heard
to say upon the occasion, that it was enough to convince one of the truth
of the doctrine of predestination, and to justify what King William, of
glorious memory, had been used to say, that every bullet has its billet,
or its particular direction and commission where it should lodge." [Doddridge's
Life of Colonel Gardiner.]
One consequence of the mode
of attack here described was (what every good commander must earnestly
wish and endeavour by all possible means to effect) a great preservation
of the lives of the troops; for the loss was trifling, considering how
actively the regiment was engaged. What impression their mode of fighting
made on the enemy, we may judge from an account of the battle published at
Paris a few days after it happened. After detailing the previous events of
the day in a clear and candid manner, the writer proceeds: "It must be
owned, that our forces were thrice obliged to give way, and nothing but
the good conduct and extreme calmness of Marshal Saxe could have brought
them to the charge the last time, which was about two o'clock, when the
Allies in their turn gave way. Our victory may be said to be complete; but
it cannot be denied that, as the Allies behaved extremely well, more
especially the English, so they made a soldier-like retreat, which was
much favoured by an adjacent wood. The British behaved well, and could be
exceeded in ardour by none but our officers, who animated the troops by
their example, when the Highland furies rushed in upon us with more
violence than ever did a sea driven by a tempest. I cannot say much of the
other auxiliaries, some of whom looked as if they had no great concern in
the matter which way it went. In short, we gained the victory; but may I
never see such another!" [Published at Paris, 26th of May 1745.]
The command of the troops
covering the retreat was intrusted to Lord Crawfurd, who "conducted the
retreat in excellent order till his troops came to the Pass, when he
ordered them to file off from the right. He then pulled off his hat, and
returning them thanks, said, that they had acquired as much honour in
covering so great a retreat, as if they had gained a battle." [Rolt's Life
of the Earl of Craufurd.] Such approbation must be consolatory to a
soldier after sustaining a defeat, and to the Highlanders it must have
been peculiarly satisfactory, coming from a man who knew them so well as
their late colonel did, and whom they so highly honoured for his
chivalrous and heroic spirit.
In a battle, where the
combatants on both sides were so numerous, the struggle so obstinate and
the carnage so considerable, many instances of individual bravery and
good conduct must have occurred. Tradition has preserved many anecdotes,
the recital of which might still be interesting. Having already quoted,
perhaps too liberally, I shall confine myself to the mention of one
additional circumstance taken from a pamphlet of that day.
In this pamphlet, entitled,
"The Conduct of the Officers at Fontenoy considered," speaking of the
exertions of the Duke of Cumberland, the author says, that his Royal
Highness was "every where, and could not, without being on the spot, have
cheered the Highlander, who with his broad sword killed nine men, and
making a stroke at the tenth, had his arm shot off, by a promise of
something better than the arm, he (the Duke) saw drop from him." [On this
occasion the Duke of Cumberland was so much struck with the conduct of the
Highlanders, and concurred so cordially in the esteem which they had
secured to themselves both from friends and foes, that, wishing to show a
mark of his approbation, he desired it to be intimated to them, that he
would be happy to grant the men any favour which they chose to ask, and
which he could concede, as a testimony of the good opinion he had formed
of them. The reply was worthy of so handsome an offer. After expressing
acknowledgments for the condescension of the commander-in-chief, the men
assured him that no favour he could bestow would gratify them so much, as
a pardon for one of their comrades, a soldier of the regiment, who had
been tried by a court-martial for allowing a prisoner to escape, and was
under sentence of a heavy corporal punishment, which if inflicted, would
bring disgrace on them all, and on their families and country. This favour,
of course, was instantly granted. The nature of this request, the feeling
which suggested it, and, in short, the general qualities of the corps,
struck the Duke with the more force, as, at that time, he had not been in
Scotland, and had no means of knowing the character of its inhabitants,
unless, indeed, he had formed his opinion from the common ribaldry of the
times, when it was the fashion to consider the Highlander " as a fierce
and savage depredator, speaking a barbarous language, and inhabiting a
barren and gloomy region, which fear and prudence forbade all strangers to
enter."]
The Highlanders lost
Captain John Campbell of Carrick, [Captain John Campbell of Carrick was
one of the most accomplished gentlemen of his day. Possessing very
agreeable manners, and bravery, tempered by gaiety, he was regarded by the
people as one of those who retained the chivalrous spirit of their
ancestors, A poet, a soldier, and a gentleman, no less gallant among the
ladies then he was brave among men, he was the object of general
admiration; and the last generation of Highlanders among whom he was best
known, took great pleasure in cherishing his memory, and repeating
anecdotes concerning him. He married a sister of General Campbell of
Mamore, afterwards Duke of Argyll, and grandfather to the present Duke.]
Ensign Lachlane Campbell son of Craignish, and 30 men, Captain Robert
Campbell of Finab, Ensigns Ronald Campbell nephew of Craignish, and James
Campbell, son of Glenfalloch, 2 sergeants, and 86 rank and file, wounded.
If we consider how actively
this corps was engaged in various parts of the field on the preceding
evening, and during the whole of this hard fought contest,—having been
employed first by the Commander-in-chief, and then by Lord Craufurd, to
support and cover him when reconnoitring,—early engaged at the first point
of attack next morning, then ordered to the assault of a second strong
position,—called away from thence to the support, first of the Dutch, and
then of the Hanoverians,—and previously to the last struggle, brought from
the left with other troops to support the line immediately before it gave
way; and, at length, when the conflict was decided, chosen, along with
another regiment, to cover the army in its retreat,—in short, having been
placed in every situation of difficulty or danger,—the small loss
sustained in killed and wounded must be matter of surprise. It can be
accounted for only by their mode of advancing against the enemy, a
circumstance well worthy of the notice of all soldiers, as it shows, that,
if a body of men push forward firmly and expeditiously to an attack, the
loss will be smaller, and the chance of success more certain, how strong
so ever the position to be attacked, or the resistance to be expected; and
that delay or hesitation in assailing an enemy only tends to increase the
advantage which they may already possess from superiority of number or
strength of position. Hence it appears that, though some of the allies, as
the French account states, "looked as if they had no concern in the
matter," and, as we learn from another account, "were very dilatory, and
behaved so and so," [The cautious and circumspect conduct of a certain
commander of the allied army, upon this occasion, called forth the
ridicule of his friends, an procured him the jocular appellation of the
Confectioner. Being asked why he did not move forward to the front with
more rapidity, he replied, "I am preserving my men."
Sir Robert Munro also "preserved" his men; but his preservation did not
consist in keeping them in the rear when they ought to have been in the
front and close to the enemy.] their loss was fully proportionate to that
of the British, who sustained the brunt of the action.
In support of the opinion
which I have ventured to form on so important a subject, I may advert to
an occurrence at Fontenoy, in which the loss sustained by two regiments
was as opposite as their situations and duties in the course o the battle.
Brigadier-General Ingoldsby having been accused of neglecting to obey an
order to advance with his brigade to attack a battery early in the action,
published vindication of his conduct, denying that he had ever received
any orders to advance at the moment in question, and stating, that he had
so many contradictory orders, that he knew not which to obey. He observes,
that, "after his Royal Highness had ordered Sempill's Highlanders away
from his brigade to the attack of the village, he continued at the head of
Duroure's regiment, (the 12th,) within 150 paces of the redoubt, from
which he was exposed to a continued fire from the beginning of the action,
which the loss of that regiment will make appear." The loss of this
regiment, which remained so long stationary, we accordingly find, beyond
all proportion greater than that of the Highlanders, whose situation was
the very reverse. The loss of Duroure's was 6 officers, 5 sergeants, 148
privates, killed; 10 officers, 7 sergeants, 142 privates wounded; whereas
the loss of the Highland regiment, as already stated, was only 2 officers,
30 privates, killed ; 3 officers, 2 sergeants and 86 privates, wounded.
When we consider the different circumstances in which the two regiments
were placed, this appears a remarkable disproportion.
Impetuosity on one side is
apt to paralyze resistance on the other, and, if attacked "by furies
rushing in upon them with more violence than ever did a sea driven by a
tempest," an enemy may have their nerves somewhat disordered by the shock;
and, while the arm is rendered unsteady, the aim cannot be correct, or the
fire effectual.
[I once got a very natural
answer on this subject from an Indian, or Carrib of St Vincent's. It was
said that these people were such expert marksmen, that, with a common gun,
they could shoot a dollar off the cork of a quart bottle, and perform
other feats equally remarkable. This expertness and steadiness of aim,
however, deserted them when a skirmishing warfare was waged against them
in the woods of St Vincent in 1796. In these skirmishes, except when
concealed behind trees or rocks, they were found to be very indifferent
marksmen. Being at that time in the island, and wishing to ascertain the
truth of what was so much talked of, I on one occasion gave a loaded
musket to a Carrib prisoner, desiring him to fire at an orange on the
mouth of a bottle, at the distance of 200 yards. On the first attempt he
missed, on the second he broke the bottle, and the third time he hit the
orange. I then asked him why he did not mark so well against the soldiers
as against the orange; "Massa," he replied, "the orange no gun or ball to
shoot me back; no run at me with bayonet."]
If, on the contrary, an
enemy approach with a hesitating caution, indicating rather the fear of
defeat than the animating hope of victory, or a resolute determination to
conquer, it will inspire confidence in the adverse party, and confidence
naturally producing steadiness, successful resistance may be expected.
Such was the battle of Fontenoy, and such were the facts from which a very
favourable opinion was formed of the military qualifications of the Black
Watch, as it was still called in Scotland. [At this period there was not a
soldier in the regiment born south of the Grampians.]
The regiment having
sustained so moderate a loss in this battle, and having still nearly nine
hundred men fit for service, was soon called out again, and detached, with
a body of Dutch cavalry and grenadiers, on a particular service, under the
command of General Hawley. This was soon accomplished, as the enemy, who
had made demonstrations of descending in great force in the neighbourhood
of Halle, retired without making any resistance, and sooner than was
expected. On the return of this detachment to head-quarters it was said,
that, "in the last day's march of thirty-eight miles, in a deep sandy
road, it was observed, that the Dutch grenadiers and cavalry were
overpowered with the heat and fatigue, but that not one man of the
Highlanders was left behind."
The 43d regiment was one of
eleven ordered for England in October 1745, in consequence of the
Rebellion. They arrived in the River Thames on the 4th of November, and
joined a division of the army assembled on the coast of Kent, to repel a
threatened invasion; while the other regiments which had arrived from
Flanders were ordered to Scotland under the command of General Hawley.
The Highlanders were
exempted from this northern service. Without attempting to throw any doubt
on their loyalty, a duty that would have called men to oppose\ their
brothers and nearest connections and friends in the field of battle, would
have occasioned a struggle, between affection and duty, more severe than
any in which they could have been employed against the most resolute
enemy. How painful such a struggle must have been may be judged from this
circumstance,—that on a minute inquiry, in different parts of the country,
I have good reason to believe that more than three hundred of the soldiers
had fathers and brothers engaged in the Rebellion.
Early in the year 1745
three new companies were raised and added to the regiment. The command of
these was given to the gentlemen who recruited the men,—the Laird of
Mackintosh, Sir Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inveraw. The
subalterns were James Farquharson, the younger of Invercauld, John
Campbell, the younger of Glenlyon,
[This gentleman's younger
brother joined the rebels, and fought in all their battles. He was quite a
youth, and was sent by his father to encourage his men, being at the same
time under the control and guidance of an adherent and descendant of the
family, a man of judgment and mature years. (He was the father of John
Campbell, the soldier of the Highland Watch, who along with Gregor
Macgregor, was presented to King George II., promoted to an Ensigncy for
his conduct at the recent battle of Fontenoy, and afterwards killed at
Ticonderoga, being among the first of the resolute men who forced their
way into the work. While the son thus distinguished himself among so many
gallant men at Fontenoy, the father was equally conspicuous at Cullo-den,
where he was desperately wounded in the sword-arm in a personal rencounter
with a cavalry officer. He seized his sword with his left hand, and making
a cut at the officer's thigh, unhorsed him. Mr Campbell was an old man,
and had been out in 1715. He was grandfather to Colonel Sir Archibald
Campbell, Brigadier-general in the Portuguese service, whose father,
Lieutenant Archibald Campbell, was in the 42d regiment, and wounded at Ti-conderoga,
where his brother was killed.) Old Glenlyon, who commanded Lord
Breadalbane's men, had joined the rebellion of 1715, and still retained
his attachments and principles so strongly, that he never forgave his
eldest son for entering the army. When the young man came to visit him in
his last sickness, in the year 1746, he refused to see him. After his
father's death, in the autumn of that year, he was ordered with a party of
men, to garrison his own house, and to perform the usual duties of seizing
rebels, of whom numbers were in concealment in the woods and caves in the
neighbourhood. His brother was, in this situation, hid in a deep den above
Glenlyon House, and supplied with provisions and necessaries by his
sisters and friends. On one occasion, owing to some interruption, he had
not seen his sisters for two nights, and leaving his hiding-place rather
too early in the evening of the third night, in the hope of seeing some of
them, he was observed by his brother and some English officers, who were
walking out. His brother, afraid of a discovery, pretending to give the
alarm, directed the officers to call out the soldiers immediately, while
he would keep the rebel in sight. He ran after him, and called out to his
brother in Gaelic to run for his life, and take to the mountains. When the
party made their appearance, no rebel could be seen, and the unfortunate
outlaw was more careful in future. Ten years afterwards he was appointed
to Fraser's Highland regiment, along with several others who had been
engaged in the Rebellion, and was shot through the body at the battle of
Quebec.]
and Dugald, Campbell, and
Ensigns Allan Grant, son of Glenmoriston, John Campbell, son of
Glenfalloch, and Allan Campbell, son of Barcaldine. These companies were
recruited in different parts of the High-lands; but owing to the influence
of Sir Patrick Murray, through the Atholl family, and that of the other
gentlemen of Perthshire, Invercauld, Glenlyon, and Glenfalloch, a greater
portion of the new levy consisted of men from the districts of Athole,
Breadalbane, and Braemar, than was to be found in the original composition
of the regiment. The privates of these companies, though of the best
character, did not occupy that rank in society for which so many
individuals of the independent companies had been distinguished. The new
companies did not join the regiment immediately, but were employed in
Scotland during the Rebellion. One of them was at the battle of
Prestonpans, where all the officers, Sir Patrick Murray, Lieutenant
Farquharson, and Ensign Allan Campbell, and the whole of the men, were
either killed or taken prisoners.
It would appear that the
Highland soldiers, in this engagement, had not the same good fortune, and
probably did not manifest the same steady conduct as at Fontenoy, or in
the different battles which they afterwards fought. In proof of this it
may be mentioned, that the Honourable Captains Mackay and Stuart, brothers
of Lord Reay and the Earl of Moray, Munro of Allan, and Macnab of Mac-nab,
with all the subalterns and men, of four companies of Lord Loudon's
Highlanders, shared the same fate with those of Lord John Murray's
Highlanders; whereas, at Fontenoy, when the latter made more impetuous
attacks, and resisted more violent charges, the loss was trifling in
comparison. The difference of result has been accounted for, and, perhaps,
with justice, from the different character of the troops to whom they were
opposed.
In this latter battle,
their antagonists were their former friends and countrymen, and their
defence may consequently be supposed to have been less obstinate and
determined. The royal army, to whom no suspicion of disloyalty could
attach, suffered in the same manner as they did ; and it would be doing
the Highlanders injustice to believe them, possessed of less loyalty or
courage than those who experienced the same discomfiture and rout. Indeed,
their loyalty and fidelity to the oath which they had taken was soon put
to a severer proof than in the field of battle; for while they were
prisoners, all entreaties, offers, and arguments, were used, and the whole
influence of promises and threats employed to prevail upon them to forsake
their colours, and join a cause in which so many of their kindred and
countrymen had engaged. All these attempts to shake their allegiance
proved unavailing; not one of them forgot his loyalty, or abjured his
oath. In this respect, the conduct of the Black Watch formed a contrast to
that of Loudon's men, of whom a considerable number joined the rebels.
This difference of conduct in men, whose sentiments and feelings were
supposed to be congenial, and who were placed in similar circumstances,
was variously accounted for at the time; the prevailing opinion was, that
Lord John Murray's men, having sworn to serve as a regular regiment, which
had been several years embodied, felt more the obligations implied in the
terms of their enlistment, than those of Lord Loudon's regiment, who had,
very recently, entered into what they supposed only a kind of local and
temporary service, on conditions of engagement which they considered as
far less binding than those of a permanent regiment. Besides, in the case
of Loudon's, the men had the example of their officers, several of whom
joined the rebels,—a circumstance of great importance at that time, when
the system of clanship, confidence, and attachment, remained unbroken.
The complete overthrow of
well-disciplined and well-appointed troops by a body of men, half armed,
strangers to war and discipline, and who, till that day, had never met an
enemy, may be ascribed to the rapidity and vigour with which the
Highlanders made their attacks, driving the front line of their
adversaries on the second, and throwing both into such irretrievable
confusion, that the second line was overpowered when mixed with the first,
which attempted to retreat through its broken ranks.
The company of this
regiment taken at Preston remained prisoners and inactive during the
Rebellion, but the other two companies were employed in different parts of
the Highlands, during the autumn and winter of 174.5 and 1746, on those
duties for which they were so strongly recommended by the Lord President.
[In the periodical publications of the day they are frequently mentioned.
The Caledonian Mercury, of the 26th August 1745, states, "that
Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Patrick Halket of Pitferran had been detached at
the head of three companies of the Honourable Colonel Lee's regiment,
preceded by the companies of Highlanders under the Lairds of Mackintosh
and Inveraw, in order to advance up to the Highlands, and to obtain a
proper account of what was passing there:" And it is farther stated, that
" in September the Laird of Inveraw, with his company of Highlanders,
marched from Perthshire to Inver-lochy. " In this manner they were
employed for the season, but none of them was ever actually engaged with
the enemy except the company at Prestonpans.]
After the suppression of
the Rebellion, they were employed on a service which ought not to have
been executed at all, or assigned to other agents. This was to execute a
barbarous order, to burn the houses, and lay waste the lands and property
of the rebels,—a species of military execution, where the innocent suffer
equally with the guilty. It may easily be imagined, that in a country
where rebellion had been so general, many cases would occur, in which the
loyal officer, under orders to devastate the estates of his neighbours and
friends, would find his allegiance at variance with his feelings.
[One of these duties fell
to the lot of Captain John Menzies, father of Lady Abercromby. Castle
Menzies was then the head-quarters of the troops in that district.
Information had been received, that several gentlemen who were concealed
in the woods and fastnesses, after the suppression of the Rebellion, were
to assemble, on a certain night, in the house of Faskally, the proprietor
of which, Mr Robertson, being one of the number " in hiding, " and all of
them friends and relations of Captain Menzies. He was ordered to march at
ten o'clock at night, and cross the mountains by an unfrequented route.
The secrecy of the march, and the darkness of the night, prevented the
usual communication of the movements of the military to those to whom such
information was so necessary, and which, by the fidelity and active zeal
of the people, seldom failed. But, in this case, it was not till the
military were marching up the avenue to the house, that those within knew
of their approach. It was' now daylight, and they had scarcely time to
dash into a deep woody glen close to the house, and make their escape,
when the troops were at the door. When the party returned, Captain Menzies
sent a soldier (This soldier was Alexander Stewart, the follower of Rob
Roy, mentioned in Appendix C.) forward to Comrie Castle, on the banks of
the Lyon, where his father resided. When the old man saw the soldier on
the opposite side of the river, and knowing where he had been, he eagerly
called out, "Has my son seized upon any of his unfortunate friends?" When
he was told they had all escaped, he pulled off his bonnet, and, with
uplifted hands, exclaimed, " May God Almighty make me thankful for this
mercy! My unfortunate son (unfortunate in being employed on such a duty)
has not been the means of bringing these honourable men to the scaffold."
Such were those times when
a father thought a son fortunate because he did not perform what would
have been considered as an important piece of service. One of the
gentlemen (James Robertson, Esq.) who were in Faskally House that night is
still alive, (1819,) being the only survivor of 1500 men of Lord George
Murray's Athole Highlanders "out" on that occasion.]
Instances of this occurred
in Perthshire. Lieutenant Campbell of Glenlyon was obliged to burn the
houses, and take away the horses, cattle, and sheep, on the estates of his
neighbours, the Laird of Strowan, and other gentlemen who had been engaged
in the Rebellion. Seven gentlemen's houses were plundered and burnt to the
ground on that occasion, with many of the houses of the tenants who had
never left their homes or joined the rebels.
These companies remained in
Scotland till the year 1748, occasionally sending reinforcements of
volunteers and recruits to the regiment. [In 1747, Lieutenant, afterwards
General John Small, commanded a party stationed in Glenelg. In September
he was ordered to apprehend Macdonell of Barrisdale, an active partisan in
the rebellion. In this man's case there was exhibited a striking instance
of the influence of that personal respect and attachment which so often
guided the conduct of the Highlanders. Without an acre of land, and with
no authority to command obedience, he being only a tenant to the Laird of
Glengarry, but descended from an ancient race, long respected in the
country, and possessed of affable manners, and a person remarkably
graceful and portly, he could, at any time, command the services of 150
armed men, always ready to follow wherever he chose to lead them. Whether
it was that he made an improper use of this influence, or from his
activity in the rebellion, he was made to suffer an imprisonment of nine
years in Edinburgh Castle; but he was at length released, and, after an
imprisonment unexampled in duration in modern times, was appointed, in
1761, to a lieutenancy in General Graeme's, or the Queen's Highlanders,
and died at Barrisdale in 1787. His brother, who had been appointed to
Fraser's Highlanders, was killed on the heights of Abraham in 1759.]
Government having
determined to send an expedition to North America, a body of troops,
consisting of Lord John Murray's Highland regiment, and several others,
under the command of General St Clair, embarked at Portsmouth for Cape
Breton. They sailed on the 15th of June, but, being driven back by
contrary winds, the troops were re-landed. On the 5th of August, the
armament sailed a second time, under the command of Rear-Admiral Lestock.
Again forced back by adverse winds, they made a third attempt on the 24th,
and after reaching Portland, were once more driven back to Portsmouth.
Their destination was now changed to a descent on the coast of France;
and, accord-ingly, the army was reinforced by 2000 of the Foot Guards, and
a strong detachment of Artillery. The land forces amounted to nearly 8000
men. While the Highland regiment lay at Portsmouth, it was joined by so
large a detachment from the additional companies in Scotland, as to
increase the battalion to 1100 men.
On the 15th of September
the expedition sailed from Portsmouth, and on the 19th anchored at
Quimperly Bay, Immediate preparations were made for landing, which was
effected by the Grenadiers and Highlanders without much opposition. They
immediately commenced operations against L'Orient, which they reached on
the 24th, and on the evening of the following day one mortar battery, and
two twelve gun batteries, were completed. On the 28th, the French made
several sallies, in one of which they assumed a garb resembling that of
the Highlanders, in expectation that, under this deception, their advance
would not be interrupted. They accordingly approached close to the
batteries before the deception was discovered, when they were saluted with
a volley of grape shot, which drove them back with great precipitation,
followed by those whose garb they had partly assumed. The firing, which
had done considerable damage to the town, ceased in the evening, and
secret preparations were made for a retreat, as the enemy were collecting
in great force. This was accordingly carried into effect, and the troops
re-embarked without interruption.
The expedition sailed from
Quiberon, and formed itself into divisions, some of which sailed for
England and some for Ireland. The Highlanders were destined for Cork,
where they arrived "on Saturday the 4th November. Lord John Murray's
regiment of Highlanders marched in there with his Lordship, the colonel,
at their head, who, with the whole corps of officers and men, were dressed
in the Highland dress." From that city they marched to Limerick, where
they remained three months, and in February 1747 returned to Cork, where
they embarked for the Downs, to join a large body of troops, assembled to
reinforce the army in Flanders. The greater part of the troops that formed
this reinforcement consisted of those who had been ordered from Flanders
in consequence of the Rebellion. Lord Loudon's Highlanders, and a
detachment from the additional companies of the Black Watch, joined this
force, which sailed from Leith early in April 1747. [It is stated in the
Caledonian Mercury of March 1747, that "Lieutenant John Campbell of
Glenlyon, and Ensign John Grant of Glenmoriston, with a strong detachment
from the additional companies of the Black Watch, sailed in the fleet for
Flanders. When it was notified to the men that only a part of them was to
join the army, all claimed the preference to be permitted to embark, and
it was necessary to draw lots, as none would remain behind."]
The French having invaded
Zealand and the adjoining part of Flanders, the first battalion of the
Royals, Bragg's, and Lord John Murray's Highlanders, were ordered to
Flushing, under the command of Major-General Fuller, and landing at
Stopledyke on the 1st of May, were marched to the relief of Hulst, then
closely besieged. The commandant of that place, General St Roque, ordered
Bragg's and the Highlanders to halt within four miles, and sent the Royals
to the Dutch camp of St Bergue, appointed to watch the movements of the
enemy, but too weak to attack or dislodge them. They remained here till
the evening of the 5th of May, when the French, having advanced almost
under the pallisadoes, began the assault with great resolution, The
out-guards and picquets were quickly forced back into the garrison, when
the Dutch regiment of Thiery, which "had behaved well in the former
assault, [The enemy made an attack on the 3d of May, when this regiment
repulse-them with great gallantry.] marched out to oppose the attack, but
were so disconcerted by the vigorous resolution of the enemy, that they
gave way. On this the Royals advanced, regained what little ground was
lost, repulsed the French in every attack, and maintained the post with
the greatest bravery, till relieved by the Highland regiment, on whose
coming up the French retired." [Hague Gazette.]
The loss of the Royals on
this occasion was upwards of 90 killed, and more than 100 wounded. The
loss of the Highlanders was trifling, being only five privates killed and
a few wounded. The enemy, however, resolutely continued the siege, and
erecting several new batteries on the sand-berg, on the morning of the 9th
they opened the whole with great vigour on the town, which surrendered at
three o'clock in the afternoon. This event was followed by the
capitulation of the troops in Hulst, when Lord John Murray, who then
commanded the British regiments, marched to Wellshorden, where they were
joined by the Duke of Cumberland, who had left the main army to visit all
the lower parts of Dutch Flanders, then blockaded and surrounded by the
enemy. The intention of his Royal Highness was to superintend the defence
of Hulst in person; but his object was defeated by the surrender of the
place sooner than was expected, not without suspicion of misconduct on the
part of the commander, who had notice that reinforcements were ordered to
his relief. The British regiments were ordered to South Beveland. The Duke
staid till he saw the troops embarked, and, in this position, exposed
himself to considerable danger. Scarcely had he gone on board, when a
great body of French came up, and "attacked 300 of the Highland regiment,
who were the last to embark. They behaved with so much bravery, that they
beat off three or four times their number, killing many, and making some
prisoners, with only the loss of four or five of their own number." [Hague
Gazette.]
In the beginning of June,
Marshal Saxe collected his army, and encamped between Mechlin and Louvain.
The French King arriving at Brussels on the 15th of June, his army was put
in motion, and marched towards Tirlemont, the Allies being as ready to
accept as the French to offer battle. Prince Wolfenbuttle, with the
reserve of the first line, was ordered through Westerloo to the Abbey of
Ever-bode, and the second line to take post at Westerloo, to sustain the
reserve. On the 17th, the whole Allied Army had reached their destination,
and were formed in order of battle; but the enemy declining an engagement
on that day both armies manoeuvred till the 1st of July, making the
necessary arrangements for the battle, which took place next morning at
Lafeldt. This battle was obstinately contested; but the Allied Army was
forced to retreat, with the loss of 5620 killed and wounded, while that of
the enemy exceeded 10,000 men. That the loss of the vanquished should be
less, by nearly one half, than that of a victorious army, must at first
excite surprise. From nine in the morning till one in the afternoon, the
Allies had the advantage. During that time, the village of Lafeldt had
been thrice carried, and as often lost. The battle raged with the greatest
violence round this spot. Thither the Duke of Cumberland ordered the whole
left wing to advance. The enemy gave way to the vigour of this attack, and
victory seemed within the grasp of the Confederates, when Marshal Saxe
brought up some fresh troops, (the Irish and Scotch brigades in the
service of France,) who charged the centre, under Prince Waldeck, with
such impetuosity, that they were driven back in confusion.
[In an account of this
battle, printed at Liege in July 1747, it is said that the King of
France's brigade marched up under the command of Marshal Saxe, and carried
the village of Lanhery after a repulse of forty battalions, who had
attempted it successively. A letter from an officer in the army to his
friend at York says, " That the brigade consisted of Scotch and Irish in
the French service, who fought like devils; that they neither gave nor
took quarter; that, observing the Duke of Cumberland to be extremely
active in defence of this post, they were employed, on this attack, at
their own request; that they in a manner cut down all before them, with a
full resolution, if possible, to reach his Royal Highness, which they
certainly would have done, had not Sir John Ligonier come up with a party
of horse, and thereby saved the Duke at the loss of his own liberty; that
it was generally believed the young Pretender was a volunteer in the
action, which animated these rebellious troops to push so desperately ;
and as what advantage the French had at Fontenoy was as well as now owing
to the desperate behaviour of these brigades, it may be said that the King
of France [is indebted for much of his success to the natural-born
subjects of the crown of Great Britain." (Gentleman's Magazine, 1747.)]
Some squadrons of Dutch
cavalry, seeing what was passing in their front, turned to the right
about, and instead of marching up to the support of the line, retreated at
full gallop, overturning five battalions of infantry marching up from the
reserve. So sudden were these movements, that it was with difficulty his
Royal Highness could reach the left wing; and a complete rout would in all
probability have ensued, had not General Lord Ligonier, with three British
regiments of cavalry, and some squadrons of Austrians, charged the enemy
with such vigour and success, as to overthrow the part of their force
opposed to him, and thus caused such a diversion as enabled the Duke of
Cumberland to effect his retreat to Maestricht. Lord Ligionier became the
victim of his own gallantry; for his horse being killed, he was taken
prisoner. The Allies were not pursued in their retreat. The enemy seem
satisfied with a victory, of which at one time, they had no expectation,
and which was attributed to the second disposition of the Allies, by which
only one half of their force could be brought forward, while the enemy
could exert their whole strength.
In the mean time, the
Highlanders, with some British troops, remained in South Beveland, till
Count Lohendhal was detached by Marshal Saxe, with a force of twenty-five
thousand men, to attack Bergen-op-zoom.
When his designs were
discovered, the troops left in Zealand and Beveland, with the exception of
Lord John Murray's Highlanders, were collected and marched to the lines of
Bergen-op-zoom, the strongest fortification in Dutch Brabant, and the
favourite work of the celebrated Coehorn, which, having never been
stormed, was generally esteemed impregnable. Lord Loudon's Highlanders
were employed in the defence of this place, and Lord John Murray's
remained in Beveland; but Lord John, Captain Fraser of Culduthel, Captain
Campbell of Craignish, and several other officers of his regiment, were on
duty at the siege.
In March 1748, the British
army, under the Earl of Albemarle, consisting of the Royals, 8th and 20th,
Scotch Fusileers, 31st, Lord John Murray's and Lord Loudon's Highlanders,
joined the Allies near Ruremond.
In the month of May,
Maestricht, with an Austrian garrison, being attacked by the French, was
carried after a short but warm siege. Preliminaries of peace were soon
afterwards signed, and the army went into quarters.
Though Fontenoy was the
only battle of great importance in which they were engaged, yet the
Highlanders had during this war, many opportunities of displaying their
discipline, and capability of enduring fatigue and privations in the
field. In quarters, their conduct was exemplary, and procured them the
esteem and respect of those among whom they were stationed. Whether in a
hostile or friendly country, no insubordination was exhibited, nor any
acts of violence or rapine committed. The inhabitants of Flanders and
other places seemed equally satisfied with their conduct. Of all this I
could produce many instances, but the testimony of the Elector of Baden,
which I have already quoted, to their conduct in the years 1743 and 1744',
renders it superfluous to add more.
While the regiment was thus
employed abroad, the three additional companies remained in Scotland,
supplying it with recruits, and performing various duties in the
High-lands. They were encamped at Fort Augustus till September 1747, when
they marched into winter quarters. The companies under Captains Menzies
and Macneil were ordered to Taybridge and the neighbouring parts of
Perthshire, and the Laird of Mackintosh to Tarland in Aberdeenshire. In
March 1748, the three companies marched to Prestonpans, to embark for the
purpose of joining the regiment in Flanders ; but in consequence of the
signing of the preliminaries of peace, the orders were countermanded, and
in the course of that year these companies were reduced.
The regiment remained in
Flanders during the whole of the year 1748, and returned to England in
December, when it was proposed to send them to the Highlands, to be
employed on that duty for which they were originally raised as independent
companies. This intention was, however, relinquished; and, being put on
the establishment of Ireland, they were sent to that country.
In the year 1749, the
number of the regiment was changed from the 43d to the 42d, in consequence
of the reduction of General Oglethorpe's, then the 42d regiment.
It is unnecessary to follow
the regiment through all its changes of quarters in Ireland, from the
conclusion of the war till the year 1756, during which period it was
stationed in different parts of the country. There is one circumstance,
however, the more worthy of notice, as it was not followed by a result too
frequent at that period, when animosities, jealousies, and disputes,
between the military and the inhabitants among whom they were quartered,
existed to a considerable degree. On the part of the Highlanders, the case
was so different, that, though they were stationed . in small detachments,
and associated much with the people, the happiest cordiality subsisted
between them. The effects of this good understanding were permanently
felt. Of this several characteristic anecdotes have been communicated to
me by old officers who had served in the regiment, and by others who
visited Ireland at a subsequent period, and met with gratifying proofs of
the favourable impression entertained in that country of the character of
the 42d regiment. Perhaps the similarity of language, and the general and
prevailing belief of the same origin, might have had some influence over
the Irish and Highlanders. Upon the return of the regiment from America in
1767, many applications, founded on this favourable opinion, were made by
towns and districts to get them stationed among them.
There were few
courts-martial; and, for many years, no instance occurred of corporal
punishment. If a soldier was brought to the halberts, he became degraded,
and little more good was to be expected of him. After being publicly
disgraced, he could no longer associate with his comrades; and, in several
instances, the privates of a company have, from their pay, subscribed to
procure the discharge of an obnoxious individual.
Great regularity was
observed in the duties of public worship. In the regimental orders, hours
are fixed for morning prayers by the chaplain; and on Sundays, for Divine
service, morning and evening. [These orders state, "Prayers to-morrow at
nine o'clock—Prayers in the barracks on Tuesday at eight o'clock. " It
would appear that various causes interrupted the daily prayers; but by
these orders it appears they were frequent.] The greatest respect was
observed towards the ministers of religion. When Dr Ferguson was chaplain
of the corps, he held an equal, if not, in some respects, a greater,
influence over the minds of the men than the commanding officer. The
succeeding chaplain, Mr Maclaggan, preserved the same authority; and,
while the soldiers looked up with reverence to these excellent men, the
most beneficial effects were produced on their minds and conduct by the
religious and moral duties which their chaplains inculcated. [I have been
told that many of the old soldiers were more anxious to conceal any little
breach of moral conduct from the chaplain than from the commanding
officer.]
While their religious and
moral duties were under the guidance of Dr Ferguson, they were equally
fortunate in having, as their military director, so excellent and
judicious a man as the late Duke of Argyll, who commanded during the six
years they were stationed in Ireland, viz. from 1749 to 1755. Under such
auspices and instructions, and with the honourable principles which
generally guided the soldiers, the best result was to be anticipated; and
it was not without reason that their countrymen of the North considered
them as an honour to their districts, and held them up as an example to
the rising generation.
Although the original
members of the regiment had now almost disappeared, their habits and
character were well sustained by their successors, to whom they were left,
as it were, in charge. This expectation has been fulfilled through a long
course of years and events. The first supply of recruits after the
original formation was, in many instances, inferior to their predecessors
in personal appearance, as well as in private station and family
connexions, but they lost nothing of that firm step, erect air, and
freedom from awkward restraint, the consequence of a spirit of
independence and self-respect, which distinguished their predecessors.
Such were the character and
behaviour of this corps during the eight years of peace which succeeded
the German war of 1740 and 1748. They were soon to be more actively
employed in a distant part of the world. |
