'"As for my Clergie, I affirming vow,
The solid tructh to God, and then to You;
There are no People, nor no Land so blest
With Godly "Prcachers, and Gods word profest
Witli more sinceritie, taught, showne, and preach'd,
Than in my kingdome."

William Lilhgow.

A LIST OF MINISTERS OF LONGFORGAN
FROM THE REFORMATION TO 1843

1. John Goodefellow. Settled, 1571.—Prior to the Reformation in 1560, he was a member of the Chapter of St. Andrews. He may be the same as John Gudefallo, who was minister of Benholme. He was a friend of John Spots-wood, Superintendent of Lothian. Spotswood " left to the poor of the pars of Calder-Comitis., xx merkis, and giffis to Johne Spotswood in Blakisling, and his bairns, xli of that in the hands of Johne Gudefellow, min. of Longforgan, for his help at the schulis." In Calder-wood's History, iii. p. 186, Johne Guidfallow, minister at Longforgunde, is named along with David Robertsone at Rossy.

Literature on Goodefellow.—Calderwood, iii. p. 186; Wodrow, Biog., i. p. 350; Test. Reg. ; Scott's Fasti, i. p. 174; iii. pp. 714, 857.

2. Nicol Spittal. Settled, 1575.—Spittal was successively minister of Fowlis in Gowrie, Benvie, Longforgan. He died at Dundee on the 9th of April 1576.

Literature.—Reg. Min. ; Test. Reg.; Reg. Assig.', Wodrow, Miscell., i. p. 353; Mait-land, Miscell., iii.; Scott's Fasti, iii. pp. 712, 715, 7i9.

3. Robert Rynd. Settled 1590. (Before Rynd came, Patrick Galloway of Fowlis had charge of Longforgan.)

Rynd's father was a somewhat celebrated man in his day. His name occurs for the first time in a list which was approved by the General Assembly of 1560, containing "the names of them quhilks the ministers and commissioners thinks most qualified for the administering of the Word of God and Sacraments, and reading of the commone prayers publicklie in all kirks and congregations, and given up by them everie one within their owne bounds."

Not long after this he was admitted first Protestant minister of Kinnoull, which he held along with the mastership of the Grammar School of Perth. He was a staunch friend of Mr. John Row of Perth, and took a large share in the business of the church. He was one of those who were appointed to draw up. the Second Book of Discipline, was a member of no less than eight Assemblies between 1576 and 1597, and was one of the Commissioners for the; trial of thq Bishop of Dunkeld. He married Beatrix,, a, daughter of the family of Pitcairn of that ilk. He died in 1610, at a great age, and was said to have accumulated "great riches,' and to have made "a god of his geir."

Row describes in his History an interesting interview which took place between Rynd and his friend Mr. John Row, whilst the latter was lying on his deathbed.

"There was one passage remarkable in the tyme of his sickness, a little before his death. The master of the gramer scule, commonlie call it Dominie Rynd, cam to visit him,, and $aid, ' Sir, ye hae monie small bairns, and alas! yee hae little or noe gear to leave them ; what will become of them ? I fear they beg through the countrie. Sir, yee have not been careful to gather gear to them as yee micht, both at Rome and since ye cam to Scotland.' Mr. iolin Row turning him to the wall, lay.silent a pretty space, pouring .out his soul',to. God. Thereafter, turning himself, he says, ' Dominie, I have been thinking on that yee wes saying to me. I will not justifie myself, , nor say I have been careful eneuch to gather gear to my bairnes. I think I micht, and ought to have done more that way than I have done. But, Dominie, I have laid" over my bairnes upon God, and the weil ordered covenant, for we must lippen much to the auld charter " Pro-videbit Dominus." But, Dominie, let me tyme about speak to you. Yee have but ae son, and yee have great riches to give him and ye male a god of your gear; and yee think who but your onlie son—my son, say yee, he will have enough. But, Dominie, it fears me ye have little credit,"and farre less comfort be him. Yea, it-may be that when my bairns, whom I have laid ower upon God's gracious and all sufficient Providence, may have competencie in the world, your son may have much mister, and beholden to some of mine, for "it is God's blessing that maketh rich."' And the event did speak the fulfilling of this prophesie of the dying servant of Jesus Christ, for Mr Row's family were all well provydit for; and Dominie Rynd, his only rich heir, he wes minister of Dron, and wes a verie prophane and dissolute man; given to drunkenness and manie evil vices, so that he became verie poore; and in his own tyme, for povertie, was forced to sell his bookes to Mr. Johne Row, the schoolmaster of Perth, son to Mr. John Row, minister at Carnock, and grandson to him who uttered the prophesie; and after his death, his wife, for povertie, turned ane gangrell poore woman, selling some small wares, and often was refreshed with meat and drink in the house of one of Mr. John Row, minister at Carnock, his sonnes, minister of Seires, in Fife" (Row's History).

Besides Patrick, minister of Dron, William Rynd had three sons in the ministry.

(1) Colin was minister successively at For-teviot and Auchtergaven, and then for a time in Ireland. He was latterly in straitened circumstances, and received aid from the Sessions of Kilspindie, Dron, and Aberdalgie.

(2) William was a man of some note. He was the tutor and governor of John, Earl of Gowrie, and went with him and his brother to Padua in T594-.

After the so-called Gowrie Conspiracy in 1600, Rynd suffered much for his alliance with that nobleman. He was " tortured in the boots where he gott . . . chops, so that his legs were crushed, and he sorely tormented, but they could never extort out of • him any privitie or knowledge of the fact."

Like Patrick and Colin, William came to be in reduced circumstances; and in 1644 the Kirk Session of Cupar gave to "ane minister callit Mr. William Rynd of ninety-four years of aige, tua dolars."

(3) Robert, minister first of Edmam, second of Merton, then of Fowlis in Gowrie, was presented to Longforgan about 1590 by King James VI. He was a member of the Assembly in 1610. Little is known of him, but his death was startling.

In the Chronicle of Perth, this entry occurs : "In the toun of dundee, vpown thursday night the xxix of December 1614 zeiris, Mr James row, minister at Kilspindie, and Mr. Robert Rynd, minister at Langforgown, lyand both in ane bed within the dwelling hous of —— and baith being veill quhen they lay down, were founde vpon the morning efter, both deid."

Row and Rynd were brothers-in-law, Rynd being married to Row's sister, a daughter of the famous Mr. Row of Perth. Rynd died leaving no provision for his family. For his soil, Mr. James, a royal missive was given to the Archbishop of St. Andrews, 24th Feb: following, requiring his presentation to the first competent living which shall fall vacant, " that so lie might be a meane to keep his mother, brothers, and sisters from the extreme of necessitie." It is more than doubtful if he got one. Things, however, seem to have brightened for his brother Andrew, minister (first) at Alva, and (secondly) at Tillicoultry. His name appears among the benefactors of Glasgow University, to the building of whose library he gave twenty nierks.

Literature.---Reg. Assig, Sec. Sigill, and Pres. St. Andrew s Syn., and Test. Reg. (St. And andEdin.); Cald«mvoodD Row's Hist^my; Scott's Reformers, p. 182 and p. 257 (Orig. Letter ii.); Scott's Fasti, i. p. 459, 529; J bid. ii. pp. 691, 740; Ibid. iii. pp. 715-719, etc.; Chronicle . of Perth ; Wilson's Presbytery of Perth; Mwty. Univ. Glasg., iii.; Wodrow's History, Stevenson's.

4. James Jarden, A.M. Settled, 1615.—He got his degree from St. Andrews in 1606. Later he studied at the New College. He was presented by King James to Caerlaveroch, but did not accept it. The same year, 1609, he received presentation to Ferry-Port-on-Craig. Six years later he was translated to Longforgan, where he laboured for fifteen years, dying in October 1630, in the twenty-first year of his ministry, about the age of forty^our.- Of Jarderi's work we know little. The very year in which he was settled, a large change came over the parish. In that year, 1615, Castle Huntly passed from the family of Gray to that of Lyon. 1623-24 was a year of great hardship all over the district. The frost lasted from Martinmas to the end of January, when it yielded a little. It gathered again shortly after. How hard it was may be judged by this, that "ellewin cairtis with 21 puncheonis of wyne" went up from Dundee to Perth 011 the ice.

Literature.—Reg. See. Sigilland Pres. Sees., St. Andrews Syn., and Test. Reg. (St. And.); Bannatyne Miscell., iii.; Scott's Fasti, ii. p. 426 ; iii. 715.

5. Joseph Laurie, A.M. • Settled, 1630.—-Laurie is a man of considerable interest. He was born in Glasgow. His father was Mr. Blaise Laurie, Professor of Greek in the University, and "Regent there from 15831598." In a letter {Letters, iii. pp. 402-3, Laing's

Edition) to Mr. W. Douglas, Professor of Divinity at Aberdeen, speaking of "famous men of our University and City," Baillie names " Blasius Laurentius, Mr. R. Laurie's grandfather,, born wirli us, and long a Regent in our house, one of the bravest philosophs and humanists of his tyme."

foseph Laurie received his degree from Glasgow in 1606, and was admitted to Kirkintilloch before September 1613.

He brought a supplication before the Presbytery in 1617 against a reader and musician named Duncan Birnet, who had called him "ane dissembled hypocrite, one whose conscience was so wyde, that cairtes and wains micht go throw it; ane teacher of the word that was unworthie, ane beggar, and ane beggar's burd, that he had als meikle silver as micht buy him from the gallows; lastlie, that he would brek ,his head at the kirk ot Leinze." Duncan compeared and acknowledged the slander..

About the same time we read of Laurie visiting the Session of Glasgow,' along with Mr. Robert Boyd, "principall commissioner directed for that effect," and Mr. John Blackburn, and Mr. Alexander Rouatt.

Three years later, in 1620, Laurie was translated to Stirling. His next charge was Longforgan, to which he was presented by King Charles I. Baillie calls him "an excellent preacher."

During the time that Laurie was at Longforgan the castle was held by the second Earl of Kinghorne. His sympathies were with the men who, later, subscribed the Covenant. The parish registers (births and marriages) begin in Laurie's time.

He was translated to Perth in the end of 1634. In the account of his settlement we get a good idea of the summary way in which the bishops had come to exercise their jurisdiction in "ordaining ministers, and admitting on their own authority, with small regard either to the judgment of the Presbyteries or the wishes of the congregations of the Church." Here is the only notice of it:—

"At Perth, the fourth of May, i635--Mr. Ninian Drummond, Moderator. (The former days, there was no exercise or meeting because of the great storm of snow, the lyke not seen in any man's remembrance living at this present.) Whilk day ther was no exercise nor addition, be.cause those who were appointed were not present. Notwithstanding, the brethren who were present did convene within the revestrie of the. Paroch Kirk—to witt, Mess^ John Robertson, Joseph Lawrie, minister of Perth, the said Mr. Joseph being accepted before, be commission of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, Mr. David Weemys," etc.

Laurie did not, however, feel tied to Prelacy, and took part in the measures which shortly after issued in its overthrow, and in the re-establishment of Presbytery as the national form of church government. " On the 29th April, 1638, he took the oath against ' Budds and Bryberie,' declaring that he neither was, nor would be, corrupted to do anything prejudicial "to the freedom of the General Assembly about to be held, nor to the Solemn League and Covenant." He does , not, however, seem to have been so hearty as some of his friends desired. Baillie writes in 1638: "In all our meetings I marvell that our tounsman, Mr. ! oseph Lawrie, lies never appeired : he was putt out by St. Andrewes and the High Commission from Stirling : I took him long since for an excellent preacher; he now serves at St. 1 ohnstoun; 1 heard he preaches against the bookes (Books of Service); yet did I never see him in any of our conventions for thir matters."

Laurie was chosen as the first Moderator of the Presbytery under the new system, his colleague, Mr. Robertson, having hitherto held the position permanently by the voice of the Archbishop.

Laurie died in 1640, at the age of fifty-four, and in the twenty-seventh year of his ministry. He left two sons in the ministry; (1) Thomas of Lesmahago, formerly of Robertoun ; and (2) Robert, who succeeded his father.

Robert Laurie, or, as he is often called, Robert Lowrie or Lawrie, had a curious history, and has left his mark on more than one passage of Scottish Church life. He was in his teens when his father came to Longforgan, and when the home was transferred to Perth had barely reached his majority. Robert was a student for the Church when his father was at Longforgan. The first public notice that we have of him is as a reader and uptaker of the Psalms in Perth. Under date, September 5, 1637, the Chronicle of Perth says : " Mr. Robert lawrie admittit reader and uptaker of the psalmes be the prouest, baillies, and counsall, without consent of the ministeris and elderis. Mr. John H Robertsone, minister, being present dissentit thairfra, and depairtit, and wold haive hed the full consent not onlie of the ministeris and elderis, but also of the Archbishop of Sanctan-drois. George bisset dissentit to his admissioun as elder, and efter consentit as councellor. Mr. Joseph lawrie his father compeirit not, becaus his collige mr. John refussit, zit willing."

Six months later, he took a prominent part in the swearing of the National Covenant at Perth. Says the Chronicle: " This (The Confession of faith and bond of Covenant) wes publicklie red bcfoir none on peax day, being the xxv day of marche 1638, be mr. Robert lawrie reader. Mr. Johne robertsone preachit, being ane fast, and the haill kirk and congrega-tioun tarie suorne thairto, be uphaulding of thair hands.

Before he was ordained he acted as the Perth Presbytery Clerk for two years and a half. He was ordained at Perth in 1641, and remained there till 1644, when he was translated to Edinburgh. During his tenure of office in Perth a rather interesting case arose between the 1 own Council and the Presbytery as to its jurisdiction. The following minute states the case:—"Perth, 30th March, 1642. Mr. Robert

Laurie declared that the Town-Council has made ane Act, ordeeining that Mr. John Robertson, and he sail preach on Sunday, before and afternoon, per vices, and that the Council did send unto him and require him to preach on Sunday before noon; therefore he craved the Presbyteries judgment as to what answer he sail give them. After consideration, the brethren ordeeined him to answer. The matter is ecclesiastical, and he micht delay untill the Counsill shall propound the matter unto the Presbyterie, and that the Presbyterie consider thereof."

Laurie's first charge in Edinburgh was Trinity College Church. He was translated to the Tron in 1648. One of the things that interested him much in Edinburgh was the Metrical Version of the Psalms; and he had a share in the production of the present Scottish Version of 1650. He was one of those who were appointed by the General Assembly of 1649 to "re-examine the Paraphrase of the Psalmes, and to emit the same for publicke use." In 1650, Jan. 1, we read: "The Commission of the Assembly understanding the paines Mr. Jo. Adamson, Mr. Zacharie Boyd, and Mr. Ro^l Lowrie have been at in the translation of the Psalines and other Scripturall Songs in Meeter, and how usefull their travells have been in the correcting of the Old Paraphrase of the Psalmes, and in compileing the New, Doe therefore return them heartie thanks for these their labours, and that the Moderator shew this to Mr. I o. Adamsone, Mr. Robert Lowrie, and wrytte to Mr. Zacharie Boyd to this purpose." Dr. Laing says that the fact that this version has continued so long in use must be attributed to the care bestowed " by many learned divines to render it at once a simple and faithful paraphrase of the original text." Beattie says of it: " And this, notwithstanding its many imperfections, I cannot help thinking the best.

Laurie seems to have tried the art of Zachary Boyd, and to have written Scriptural Songs, A minute of date 22nd Feb. 1650 runs so : "The Commission understanding that Mr. Ro Lowrie has taken some paines in putting the Scripturall Songs in Meter, They therefore des.re him to present his labours therein to the Commission at their next meeting." Laing, however, says : "It may be added, that in the Minutes of the Commission no further notice is taken either of these Scriptural Songs by Leitch or Lowrie; which do not appear ever to have been printed."

The later notices of Laurie introduce him in a somewhat different and less pleasant light.

When the Presbytery of Edinburgh petitioned Parliament, in 1661, for a meeting of the General Assembly in order to a settlement of the church government, and in favour of keeping the Covenant, he was one of those who were appointed to wait on the Lord High Commissioner Middleton. Before S*r Alexander Durham was crowned lyon king of arms in the face of Parliament in 1661, Laurie preached a sermon in the House on "What shall be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour? " Next year he was translated to the High Church. His sympathies had become Episcopalian. He was the only, or almost the only minister in Edinburgh who conformed to Episcopacy, and, in consequence, got the nickname of the " Nest Egg." The same year saw him presented to the Deanery. His character see.ms to have suffered with his change. Wodrow tells us that he tried to calumniate the character of those who were executed for the Pentland rising. " To blacken these noble sufferers, Mr. Robert Lawrie, a little after their de.'ith, declared from one of the pulpits in Edinburgh that they had gone down to the pit with a lie in their right hand, but brought no proofs of his uncharitable and unchristian censure. There was indeed a cause; he was hounded out to this bitter and unjust reflection. Their death and the triumphant nature of it had left deep impressions of the righteousness of their cause and their own innocence; and this public calumny only left the speaker under a blot, yea, the hatred and contempt of many, but did no hurt to the sufferers. Indeed, from the time of these repeated public executions, the Episcopal interest in the kingdom gradually and sensibly decayed, till the prelates, the chief instruments of the bloodshed, were at length laid aside as a public nuisance."

In 1672, Laurie was consecrated at Holy-rood Bishop of Brechin, where he continued till his death, some five years later. He did not altogether like Sharp's policy. In 1675 he was in favour of a General Council being held, but gave in to Sharp. Ramsay of Dunblane stuck out a little, but had also to yield. He made " more noise than Laurie the nest egg. Sharp, however, gained the day.

He. died, according to Wodrow, a remorseful death. " So bitter a morsel was a bishopric to many of them, that a little before his death at Edinburgh, he discharged the bellman to cry him by the designation of bishop, but ordered himself to be cried late minister of Edinburgh."

He was a man of considerable ability and of varied learning. He was counted an eloquent preacher. The only thing he published was a sermon, in 1660.

He died at the age of sixty-two, in the thirty-seventh year of his ministry.

6. David Broune, A.M. Settled, 1635.—He studied at St. Andrews, where he was laureated in 1612. He was admitted to Essie in 1617, whence he was translated to Longforgan in 1635. Here he laboured till 1644. Beyond the fact that he had a son Patrick, and two daughters Jeane and Annie, little is known of him.

Broune's ministry in Longforgan fell in the stirring times of the Covenant. The lord of Castle Huntly was a staunch Covenanter. That there were others in the parish who sympathised with it strongly, may be judged from the following inscription on a stone in Longforgan churchyard : " Hir rests ane trev covenanter, Androv Smyth, in Hvntlie, aged 63, 1643. My savl to praise the lord. A. S.; E. F. Memento Mori." -Was Andrew Smith, the " true covenanter," a descendant of the worthy matron who succoured William Wallace, a still earlier champion of Scottish liberty ?

It was in Broune's time, also, that the teinds of Longforgan were assigned to Dundee. The stipend in Longforgan was quite modest, and when the tithes came to be realised, Broune thought that he ought to have some augmentation, and so "desired that the Council would tak some course 11 a fair way rather than that he should be put to seek provision for his kirk be law." This desire the Council were good enough to " tak in good pairt," and they agreed "to meet with him and think upon the best ways for his sattling." The meeting succeeded in making an arrangement for the future, but when Mr. David "still desired satisfaction for his stipend of 1642," the Council " continued the giving answer until the next occasion." The next occasion does not seem ever to have come. Broune died in 1646.

7. Alexander Mylne. Settled, 1649. — By King Charles' charter, the burgh had now the patronage of the kirk of Longforgan.

Several years passed before a settlement was effected. It might be supposed that this was due to irritation at the lairds and the parishioners who had frowned,at the rights of the town, or that it was due to the greed of the burgh in seeking to get the tithes for the use of the common good. But the records of the city show that the matter was early discussed by the Council, which "considering how necessary it is that the kirk be weill provided with ane able and qualifeit man for serving the cure there, and being informed of the literature and qualification of Mr. Alexander Mylne, expectant in divinity, resolved and ordained that ane presentation be drawn up to him to the kirk and modifest stipend."

Mylne was the son of one of the bailies. He studied at St. Andrews, where he got his degree in 1639. Ten years later, he w^ras admitted to Longforgan.

In 1661 he was translated to the Second Charge, or South Church of Dundee. He died four years after, in 1665, about the age of forty-seven. "He was proprietor of the town and lands of Pilmore, and bequeathed to the kirk-session j° xxxiii li. vi s. viij d. for behoof of the poor. He marr. Agnes Fletcher, and had four sons and a daugh. Alexander served heir ioth Nov. 1666, James, Thomas, George, and Margaret. His lady, 'of her voluntary goodness, gifted and dedicated, 24th July 1659, table cloths and .towels to the service of the kirk of Longforgan in all tyme heir after.'"

Alexander Mylne's father, the bailie, and his brother Thomas, are both supposed to have perished during the siege of Dundee in 1651, the latter at the early age of twenty-two. There are two stones in the Howff placed by Alexander, which record in a glowing way the^:r worth, t he one to his brother bears that it was put , up by Magister Alex. Milne, Pastor Forgonen-sis (Mr. Alex. Milne, minister of Longforgan). It was of Mr. Mylne that Earl Patrick borrowed a bed when he came to Castle Lyon in 1660.

From Mr. Mylne the family of Mylne of Mylnefield is descended. This family was known as Mylne of Mylnefield from about the end of the seventeenth century. The house is beautifully situated on a rising ground a little to the south of the turnpike, and nearly midway between the villages of Longforgan and Inver-gowrie. It has some noble trees about it, and its grounds offer some of the most charming views in the district. Mr. Thomas Mylne, the

laird in the second half of last century, was a man of enterprise. He did a great deal to improve the land, and the parks of Mylnfield had a name for the sheep they reared. Since then the estate has been broken up. The house and surrounding policies are now the property of the Misses Brand. From the style of its architecture the oldest part of the house is judged to be three hundred years old.

8. James Middiltoune. Settled, 1661.— Middiltoune was ordained at Montrose in 1659, whence he was translated to Longfonran in 1661. He died in 1672, in the thirteenth year of his ministry. His wife's name was Elizabeth Murray, and he had a son John and a daughter Helen. " His books, with utencils and abulze-ments, were estimat at ii^c li. Frie geir, d. d., v^c xxxiili. xivs. iiij d."

The most interesting episode, perhaps, in the church records of the day is the baptism of Earl Patricks eldest son. A large company, including the High Commissioner's wife, Lady Middleton, was staying at the castle. The baptism took place on the 19th May 1663. The record tells how on that day John, Lord Lyon, eldest lawful son to the noble and potent Earl Patrick, procreat betwixt him and Dame Helen

Middletone his spouse, was presented by the said noble Earl and baptized by Mr. J as. Middletone, our own minister, with all solemni-tyes requisite. Among those present were the Earls of Errol, Morton, Panmure, Sirs Geo. Kinnaird, Hay of Megginch, etc.

One event of more public note in the parish occurred the year in which Middiltoune died. In 1672, Charles II. granted a charter ^;n favour of Earl Patrick of Strathmore, erecting Longforgan into a free burgh of barony, " with power to erect and constitute bailies, burgesses, clerks, officers, sergeants, etc., and to admit all kinds of trades to a variety of privileges ; to have a weekly market within the burgh, and to have two free yearly fairs , '. . each to last three days." It is to be feared that Longforgan has never risen to its privilege of erecting and constituting bailies and burgesses. By the same charter the barony of Longforgan was erected into a lordship, to be called the Lordship of Lyon. It is likely that it was at this time that the castle ceased to be known as Castle Huntly and came to be known as Castle Lyon, a name which it bore for over one hundred years.

The feudal system was then in full force. Everyone in the village was subject to the castle. As much as three-fourths of the rent was paid in kind in 1667, and part of the rest in constant service.

9. Alexander Symmer, A.M. Settled, 1673. —He was a student at St. Andrews St. Salvator's College, and received his degree in 1667. Having passed his trials before the Presbytery, he was ordained at Longforgan on the 7th May 1673. He laboured there for ten years and a half, dying in October 1683, about the age of thirty-six, "an young man unmarried." " His books and some little plenishing were estimat at j^c xxxiii li. vis. viij d., drogs furnished the tyme of his deceis j^c li. Frie geir, d. d., iiij^c xcvij li."

The 8th volume of the Longforgan Session Records begins with Mr. Symmer s ministry. The first page is pasted down ; but, on May 8, 1673, we read that both sermons were preached by our own minister. He seems to have been a painstaking man. He took from July 1673 to May 1674 to overtake nine verses of the First Epistle of John, which was his " ordinary." He was pretty often sick, which explains the large expenditure on drugs referred to. His place on these occasions was frequently taken by Expectants, who correspond to Probationers.

Rather a curious reference occurs to his absence on March i, 1674 : "One sermon preached by Mr. John Dunbar (the day being tempestuouss) upon 20 Job 2ⁿ ver. : our own min^r being diuerted by y^c death and buriall of ane Aunt."

There are a good many notices in the Records of the School. But it does not appear that they indulged their teacher. One entry, in 1683, runs : "Given out for four dealls to be a bed to the Schoolm¹, 01 : 20 : 09.'

Money, however, was rather scarce. In 1683 "the money in the box being compted amounted to 500 Merks with a 20 merk of Gold." There was, notwithstanding, every desire to help forward the industrious, and one of the grants given was a grant to Andrew Hallay, "Student att the Old Colledge in St. Andrews to help to Lawreate him."

It was at this time not uncommon to bury in the church. Burial in kirks, as is known, had been forbidden by more than one act of the Assembly. Cf. 1588, 1643. Some of the lairds, however, insisted on doing what their fathers had done, and broke church doors to do it. In some places the practice was tacitly allowed. It was so in Longforgan.

There are three payments in two years for a. burial-place in the church, one of 10 marks in 1679 by "the good wife off Templehall for a Libertie to burie her daughter in the Church," one by Lochtown in 1681 for "a buriall place for two children in the church," and another by William Smith " for a buriall place to his son in the church."

Mr. Symmer had his difficulties to face with high and low, but he carried them through successfully. One of his greatest troublers was Sir Geo. Kinnaird. The head of the Inchture branch of this family succeeded in 1643 iⁿ the era of the Civil War. We know from the " Rentall of the County of Perth," made up in 1649, the extent of his patrimony in the Carse and in Longforgan. We read—

" Longforgan Parish.

Laird of Inchture, for Drymmie, Whelplaw, Unthank, and his part of Rawes, ^549, 6s. 8d."

When Charles II. ascended the throne, Sir George got a charter under the Great Seal of the lands and baronies of Forgan and Fowlis. He was created Baron Kinnaird in 1682, and, as has been mentioned before, his name appears, along with that of Strathmore, in more than one of those lamentable documents intended to crush the Covenanters. The church records prove that he was anything but a high-toned man.

During Mr. Syinmer's ministry the church itself seems to have been in a sad condition. Shortly before he died, in the summer of 1683, Earl Patrick tells us that "when the roofe of the Quire of the Church of Longforgane was altogether ruinous, it gott a new roofe att the common charge of the heritors." He adds : " I took occasione att the same time to reforme mv loft and seat of the church and to build a roume off it for a retyring place betwixt sermons r (p. 36, Bk. Rec.). Part of this building still exists. It is a square building standing diagonally at the rear of the present church. When the old church stood, it was joined to it. The lower part is used as the Castle Huntly burying-place. Above it was the room where the laird stayed between sermons. After the Strathmores left Castle Lyon, it served for a time as a session-house. Earl Patrick has two quaint notices in his Book of Record of the payment of the work : " William Rennay in Dundee hes gott towards his payment for the painting (such as it is) of the roofs of the Quir of Longforgone 40 lib. and a boll of meall." " The Glazier's acct of glass and weir for my new loft at the Church of Longforgan came to in about 60 lib. w^ch I ordered to be payed by my factor att Auchterhouse, it comprehended lykwayes the repairing of some broken glass windows att Castle Lyon."

Andrew Wright, Lord Strathmore's clever wright, did a good deal of work at the church. 38 lib. was paid to a man Alison in Dundee for 100 dales for the church. The earl has a curious entry about it: "There was 100 dales brought last year for the use of the church the payment of which has been forgott, and on alisone having undiscreetly charged my servants with it who bought them who aught rather first to have acquainted me, upon the knowledge thereof I have immediately ordered the payment by Thomas Steel in Dundee."

10. David Forrester, A.M. Settled, 1684.—The Record of Sept. 7, 1684, says: "Mr. David Forrester entred minister att Longforgan this day. Previous to this he had been at Lauder." Forrester was a student at St. Andrews, where he got his degree in 1652. Licensed in 1656, he went to Lauder. Forrester had some difficulties at Lauder, but he was successful in raising a church, and took a considerable share in advocating Episcopal 12 views, he was a man of position and means, being proprietor of Milnhill, to which his son Alexander, advocate, succeeded. (Cf. Tombst, Davidis Forrester de Milnhill.) He was also a partner in the disastrous Darien Company. " Mr. David Forrester, minister at Longforgen," is entered in the books of the Company as holding stock to the value of ^ioo. Several local names appear in the list. Thomas Miln of Miln-field held ^200; Lord Strathmore, who then had Castle Huntly, £500; Rachel Zeaman, relict of Mr. George Forrester of Knap, £\oo. Of names a little further afield, we find Lord Kinnaird held £joo, Duncan of Limdie ^"iooo, the minister of Foulis ^100, and Drummond of Megginsh ^500.

The Forresters were a prominent Dundee family about this time, and one of Mr. David's ancestors had frequently been Provost of the city. Earl Patrick of Strathmore had many transactions with Alexander Forrester. Before he set out for the west with his regiment, he received from Alex^r ffoster of Millhill 333 lib. 6 ss. 8 d.

There are some interesting glimpses in the Session Records of the parish life during his ministry. The Strathmore family occupied the

castle, and there was sometimes service at it. Their influence was considerable, and we find mention of the chaplain and other friends of the family preaching. The present church tower bears the following inscription : " Founded in the year 1690, and finished of the charge of Patrick Earle of Strathmore and Kinghorn, Viscount Lyon, Lord Glammiss, etc. The bells were giv'n by the session and the clock by the frank contributions of the people." The bell presently used at Invergowrie mission church was brought from Longforgan, and bears the date 1690.

It would appear that Mr. Forrester was a man of vigour. One of his services was to form a new Session, " since a great part of the old Sessioners are dead, and they which remain earnestly desire to goe of for some time at least, having been so long in place, that so others may have their turn." After the new elders were appointed, there were ten, and in special matters of importance the heritors were to sit with and help them. These men were told off to work. One Sabbath it was intimated from the pulpit " that the Elders are to look their Quarters before, after, and in time of Sermon, and if any be found, as is usuall, in this town or elsewhere vaging abroad or keeping from the Church, th'yle be brought to publick censure." Sunday drinking was evidently a crying evil. Not long before this, it was resolved by the Session that " y° two y* collect y^e poors' money go through y^e Brewers houses of this Town of Longforgan in time of Sermon." There were three at this time. It may, however, be feared that the Church was too little alive to the need of having nothing to do with ill-timed practices. There are a good many such entries as these :—" Giv'n out to y° Masons and Wrights this week as drink money. " Giv'n for Ale at repairing y^e Churchyard Trees." " To the Clocksmith (for his diligence) to drink." " Giv'n to y^e Wrights at mounting y^e Sessione house as Drink-money." " To y^e E: of Strathmore his Cairters at y^r redding y^e Churchyaird, as drink money." " To pay ale spent at her funerall." A good many of the cases of discipline arose in connection with drink. The tone was rather low on the subject, which may also be said in regard to cases of immorality.

If it did not boast of bailies, Longforgan seems, at least, to have boasted of a town's piper in those days. His name was Patrick Morton. He was summoned once before the Session for drunkenness, and for speaking in the church in time of worship through his sleep. The piper was somewhat refractory till he was summoned the third time, when he "compear'd and willingly humbl'd himself before y^e Session for his fault in crying out Who pays me in time of Sermon, and he was absolv'd."

One curious entry occurs in regard to the schools. Anything like private adventure was frowned upon. A woman took up a school in 1697, but it was quickly put a stop to. "The Beddalls appointed to discharge this town a woman who had tak'n up a school contrair to all former practise and order, and all such attempts either in this town or up and down y^e parish are prohibite y^l so y^e publick be not wrong'd." When Rollock, named Commissary of Angus and the Carse of Gowrie in 1580, was appointed to the High School of Edinburgh, the burgesses were required to send their children there, or " pay to Rollock a penalty for each boy elsewhere instructed" (Stevens, High School, p. 17). Mr. Forrester and his Session seem to have been prompted in their ways by kindly motives. It was once, for example, enacted that henceforth no pledges should be taken at contracts, but only sufficient caution, and that in measure from the poor, "since people can scarce want their money till due time of returning yⁿⁱ come."

Another entry is perhaps less considerate, but it gives a peep into the times : " It's also ordered y^l no Brydegroom kiss his bryde before y^e Minister, under the pain of ten merk."

On the whole, we should say that the minister and Session seem to have taken an .ntelligent interest in the state of the church. It is a little amusing to break up into detail what we generally now slump as " Sundries." One item stands : " Giv'n out this week for 600 nails." Another: "Giv'n to the Beddall for soweing the thongs of the Bells Tongues." Another: " For prins to y^e fastening y^e Table Cloath."

One of the things that engaged a good deal of attention was the clock. As already mentioned, the clock was gifted by the people. But it seems to have been a poor bargain, and was all along a costly and I troublesome thing. In 1694 there was "giv'n out to David Lyon at Castle Lyon for his gilding and painting y^e Horologes, 65 lb. 18 s. 6 d. Shortly after, we read of a fee being given to the officer for going twice for the clocksmith, and "because he's not yet come he's to be sent for again that the Clock prove not useless." The following amusing notice occurs in 1722. The new beadle was to get £% Scots for his duties and 10 merks money "for waiting on the clock in case it continue going." The technical term seemed to be "waiting on the clock," which must have been tedious, for on one occasion it stood five years without going. The clock was reconstructed by an "ingenious self-taught carpenter" in 1878.

It may be of interest to say a little of the services of the church.

Mr. Forrester had a reader associated with him, called Mr. Greenhill. There were two services on the Sunday. We have little evidence as to how these were attended. On the one hand church discipline was pretty strong in the matter, but on the other there are references to vaging about and loitering in the brewers' houses. Forrester was determined to improve Sunday observance. The beadle, a worthless scamp, who was afterwards turned off for " his many gross faults," was in the habit of making graves on the Sabbath. That was forbidden "except on case of necessity," and an earnest attempt was made to gather the people to worship.

The Commnnion was celebrated twice a year —the times, however, varied. There was more than one diet. " The Communion intimated this day fourth-night for y^e first dyet; this day twenty days for y^c last dyet." In 1678 we read of the Action Sermon being appointed to begin "preciselie by 9 oft" the clock."

The minister appointed the elders " their severall places in geting about the Sacrament of the Supper."

One of the entries relating to the Communion may be given :—

Occasionally in those times there was 110 sermon, sometimes because of the minister's indisposition, once during the vacancy after Forrester's death on account of "the letter for y^e 3\Iin^r who was to preach being miscarymrj and now and then because " the ways were not passible by the aboundance of snow dayly falling down." Both during Mr. Symmer's and Mr. Forrester's ministry, great care was taken in the disposal of the church money. Some of the gifts to the poor are quaintly expressed. There are such entries as these :— " To y^e Poor." " To the common poor." " To our own poor." "To the ordinar Poor." "To poor men at the door." " Given to a daft man." " Given to a distressed Gentilewoman." "Given to a distressed poor passenger." "Given to a poor bodie." "Given to ane object of pitee." " Given to a vagabond." Given to ane miserable object." " Given to more than an ordinary beggar." " Given to 24 ordinary beggars." " Given to Robert Young, a poor man, to help him to buy a cow, one pound sterling." " To a poor boy to buy a psalme book." "To a poor boy to buy a New Testament." " To a poor minister called Mr. Al. Campbell.' " Giv'n to Jo. Reddin, a broken Glasgow Merchant who had a printed Counsell's warrant to relieve him on his way."

It will be seen from the following entries how cosmopolitan were the Longforgan charities. "Given to a Grecian priest named Mercury Sascurie." "To ane Irish Protestant." " To a persecuted Polonian." " To a distress'd Irish man." "To a professour of Tongues iled from France." " To a Sea-man newly plundered by y^c French." And in 1695, an Act was read for a collection " for y^e relief of 7 captive Christians in Barbary." None, however, of the sums was deadly. More than likely some of these cases were frauds. Possibly the distinguished "professour of Tongues " from France, who was glad to get a coin at Long-forgan church, was a stowaway in one of Earl Patrick's ships. And while alive to the honour of a visit from a Grecian priest, the mention of Mercury Sascurie recalls the l^;nes in William Lithgow's Scotland's Welcome to her Natii*e Sonne concerning vagabonding Greeks.

"There's to a needfull Cauiat, I'le set forth, For eu'ry Noble Lord, and Man of worth, For Bishops, Preachers, euery towne, and place, Where vagabounding Greeks, use now to trace ; Deluding^- and deceauing you, with leyes, And Testimonials fals; making you beleeue, They must their wives, their Bairnes, or friends releive."

We have found little trace in the records of anything like witchcraft. As is well known, a belief in witches was widespread. Perthshire was not behind the other counties in this faith, t here is an old rhyme, relating to the Carse, which is said to have been used by the witches as an incantation when about to supply themselves with milk from the cattle of their neighbours. It runs—

"Meares' milk, and deers' milk, And every beast that bears milk, Between St. Johnston and Dundee, Come a' to me, come a' to me."

But that there were people in Longforgan swayed by the power of witchcraft, the following incident from the church records shows :—

On June 28th, 1696, Jean Anderson gave in a claim against Mason Gil. Blyth's wife, for "scolding her and calling her a witch," and that she would prove her claim laid 03 1. 14 s. 00 d. Two days later, Jean Morom the wife was called to the Session, and "being pos'd with the crime gave no direct answer, but frivoul-usly replay'd if she said any such thing it was more than she knew or minded of." Witnesses were accordingly called, but none testified except John Mitchell. He "could not mind everything y^l past in their scolding, but only this that she said avoid Satan. So nothing directly prov'n and the Session desiring peace, call'd in Jean Anderson, who by the intercession of the Elders and other friends, was content to be at peace with her neighbour Jean Morom, provyding she would humble her-self before the Session and the. witnesses for calling her a witch, etc. To which at length the said Jean condescends, and so the people about call'd in with the witnesses, on her knees with tears, she beg'd pardon that ever she had offended God in such a manner, by calling her neighbour a Witch and in pronouncing against her those words: You're not gracy, avoyd Satan, God be flwixt the and me, and entreated her neighbour to be reconciled with her and so absolved."

On August i, 1697, there was no sermon, because of the minister's indisposition. Three days later we read : " Our Minister, Mr. David Forrester, departed this life." Ten months after, the box and Communion tokens, together with the cup, " were given up by ye Min^r Relict," and with this the last Episcopal ministry in Longforgan church may be said to have closed. Mr. Forrester was in the sixty-third year of his age. So far as we know, with the exception of Mr. Walker, who wrote the New Statistical Account of the parish, Mr. Forrester has the honour of being the only Longforgan minister who has done any literary work, and his book was published before he came to it.

The title of his book is—The Differences of the Time in three Dialogues: The first, anent Episcopacy; The second, anent the obligation of the Covenants against Episcopacy; The third, anent Separation: Intended for the quieting the minds of people, and settling them in more Peace and Unity.

It is a i2mo., printed in Edinburgh, 1679. The Preface indicates its object: " Separation, which is the Epidemical Disease of the Time, came to such a height last Summer 1678, that like a Flood it almost carried all before it, in many places of the Land. These Dialogues were then written. The Author, living among a People who were in hazard to be draiven away with the spait of the Time, thought it his duty to fortifie them against the danger, by letting them see the sin and unwarrantableness of these dividing Practices, which were now grown to be in fashion. And this, together with the Activity and Concurrence of Magistrats in the Place who were careful to suppress the beginnings of Schism in the Bud; was found not to be in vain ; for through the blessing of God that People hath hitherto stood their ground; for which, they indeed deserve commendation; though at first sundry of them out of Novelty went to field meetings, yet presently they returned to the ways of Peace and Order, a very few excepted."

It is a hook of 225 pages. It is in the dialogue form "betwixt a Doubting Person and an Informer."

The 1st chapter (105 pages) is an argument for the lawfulness of Episcopacy, seeking at the same time to prove more, from (a) Scripture, (b) the most primitive times following the Apostles, (f) Confessions and Concessions of the ablest Protestant Divines.

The 2nd Dialogue discusses more shortly the obligatoriness of the Covenants against Episcopacy. And both were written to show in Cap. III. that those, who separated from the Church did so on unsatisfactory grounds, and were guilty of Schism.

The book is full of learning and quotations from the Fathers and Reformed Theologians, It is milder at the beginning than at the close, and is marked by a good deal of special pleading. It is bitter on the Field Preachers, and on those who denounced and forsOok the Intruding Ministers.

It may be added as a further comment on Forrester and his book that his name appears in the list of late Episcopal ministers who subscribed an address to the General Assembly of 1692. The Carse, unfortunately, had too many of these changelings. It was of this Assembly that Dr. Arch. Pitcairne wrote his fierce satire, "Babell."

On the north wall, within the present church, there is a monumental slab to his memory, with an inscription in Latin. It was raised by his two daughters, Martha and Magdalena, and speaks of him as a most faithful pastor and "viri vitae integritate eruditione et orthodoxia ornatissimi," i.e. "a man most highly distinguished by integrity of life, erudition, and orthodoxy."

Martha and Magdalena Forrester erected also in the Howff, Dundee, a handsome tombstone in memory of their brother, Mr. Alex. Forrester de Milnhill. The Latin inscription is very laudatory. He died in 1715, at the age of forty-nine, and was succeeded at MillbUl by his brother John.

The slab in the west wall of the church bears the date 1698.

11. Thomas Mitchell, A.M. Settled, 1702. 13

At Mr. Forrester's death there was a somewhat prolonged vacancy. It lasted about five years. During this time a good number of ministers preached at Longforgan, including John Forrester of Stirling, described as a burning and shi iing light, Lyon of Kinnettles, Lyon of Tannadice, Lyon of Rescobie, evidently friends of the Strath more family, also Balvaird of Kirkden, his chaplain, and the Governour to the Master of Kinnaird. A week after Forrester died, the elders ordered the "Clerk to record y^e places of y^e texts in time coming." Whether this was intended to discourage the repetition of old sermons, we cannot say, but it is interesting to know the very texts which were preached upon, two hundred years ago, in Longforgan.

The members of Session in those days had quite a keen eye to their rights. Here is a minute of Oct. 4, 1697: "It being certain that Janet Murray in Milfield is contracted and proclaimed w* Geo. Martin in Liff, the Sess. Clerk is appointed to write to y^e Min^r of Liff to desist in y^r matter till he get a line from this place showing y^l all dues are pay'd here."

The Earl of Strathmore took an active part in the affairs of the kirk. It is mentioned in the Presbytery Records that Mr. John Forrester was asked to commune with the Earl anent the planting of Longforgan. During the last years things do not seem to have prospered, and the church stood sorely in need of elders. In 1699, Lord Strathmore wrote a letter to the Presbytery asking them " to constitute an eldership in the parish of Longforgan." He enclosed, at the same time, a list of persons whom he thought fit to be elders. Messrs. Christison and Orr were appointed to examine the fifteen persons named. In due time they presented their report to the Presbytery. Some of its details are curious. Five were absent from the examination. One refused to accept office. Six satisfied the examiners as to their knowledge; they owned the Confession of Faith and the church government then established, and kept up the worship of God in the family. Three are spoken of as being weak in knowledge. Of these, one " doth not ordinarily pray in his family," while another "prays with his wife, but not with his family."

In 1702 the vacancy was filled by the appointment of Thomas Mitchell. The facts of his life are few. His first appointment was as schoolmaster at St. Martins. In 1697 was licensed by the Presbytery of Dalkeith. Two years later, he was ordained at Coupar-Angus, whence he was translated to Longforgan in 1702. He demittecl in 1708, and died in 1713, about the age of forty-one, in the fifteenth year of his ministry. "His books were estimat at vj^c li., furniture, etc., ij^c h , Inventar and debts, ij^m j^c Iv li."

' he only interest that belongs to Mitchell's name arises in connection with his father and his brother. His father was for long a minister in Dundee. He was keenly interested n the Quaker Question, and published (t) A Dialogue between a Quaker and a Stable Christian; (2) "Ane sober Answer to an angry pamphlet, or a Reply to Robert Barclay's Book I ruth cleared of calumnies; (3) Ane Catechisme.

His brother William was a somewhat distinguished man. There are some interesting references to him m Wodrow's Correspondence. Wodrow says of him that " he was one of our chief men, and singularly useful many years.' After Principal Carstarcs' death, he was recognised as the leader of the Church, and 011 account of his gifts as a preacher and as a speaker, and "being perhaps the most wealthy-minister in Scotland, had great influence at Court." In 1718 he received the thanks of the General Assembly for a gift of ^100 to the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge. Mitchell has the distinction of having occupied the chair of the General Assembly perhaps a greater number of times than anyone else. Carstares was Moderator four times, Mitchell five, the last time being appointed by a single vote. Wodrow says : " As I reckoned it on my buttons, Mr. Mitchell had but one, and I am pretty sure he had not two." There are some quaint descriptions of his appearances in the Assembly in Wodrow's letters to his wife. On one sermon he makes a suggestive comment: " This day we had an excellent sermon by Mr. Mitchell, upon Zech. vi. 13, upon the regal power of Christ in his church. It were a pity but it were printed, but the sermons that are most proper for the press do not readily come there."

12. James Hodge. Settled, 1709. — Mr. Hodge began his ministry at Mains in 1707, from whence he was translated to Longforgan in August 1709, where he laboured till his death in 1737.

One short break took, place during the Rebellion in 1715. That was a troubled time for more than one in the neighbourhood. The godly Mr. Ramsay of Collace had his house attacked by the rebels who held Perth, and he was compelled to retire. But, before long, the cloud lifted, and the Duke of Argyle paralysed the rebel forces. During this period Mr. Hodge was obliged to leave for a time. His absence was a short one, but it was marked by an Episcopal intrusion. This was helped by the sympathies of the Strathmore family being cast with the Pretender, who paid Castle Huntly a flying visit in 1716. There are 110 minutes in the Longforgan Records between Sept. 4, 1715, and Feb. 19, 1716. But a note says: "Observe. That in regard the unhappy and unnatural rebellion headed by the late Earle of Marr in favour of a Popish Pretender had the entire management of this Countrey; Ministers for their safety were oblid^ed to retire South so that we had no sermon by our. own Minister (Mr. William Elphistoun," Episcopal Preacher intruding then into the Church) untill the first Sabbath of February ensueing when His Majestie King George his forces under the command of

His Grace the Duke of Argile dispersed the rebels and reduced this Countrey to its former liberties."

A good deal of confusion and difficulty was introduced by the Episcopal intrusion. Moneys were unaccounted for, and parties proved false. The Presbytery had to appoint that " Precentors and Beddals within their bounds who did officiate in these Stations in any parishes where Kirks were intruded upon should be deposed." John Bathie, the beadle of Longforgan, was one of the offenders, and was accordingly suspended from his office, but a month later was reinstated, having "acknowledged his fault" and "professed sorrow therefore . . . with Certification to be proceeded against, if he be not more cautious for the future." The schoolmaster was also deprived of his office amongst other things for having attended King James in Dundee, and having his child baptized by an Episcopal preacher. A thanksgiving service for the ending of the Rebellion was held as appointed by Government, in June 1716, when Mr. Hodge preached on the text Esther cap. ix. i.

The parish does not seem to have been in a very healthy state when Mr. Hodge was settled. The Sabbath Day was much profaned by people "walking in the streets and drinking in the change houses of this town in time of sermon." The following entry gives a peep into the sort of life which was too prevalent in the Carse:—

June 1716. "Hie Minister represented that he upon the representation to him of a design the herds in their bounds had aofnfreed to meet within this parish this day (being the Lord's day) in order to fight; ordered some persons to waite the place of their designed meeting, in order to y^r being prosecute as Profaner of the Sabbath. Then the several elders told that upon the same representation made to them, they took care to discharge all their own and neighbours' herds within this parish from the said meeting. The session after enquiry whose herds had been their conveened, they find those only in the parishes of Erroll and Inchture mett in the place to the number of eightie persons, but that there was none within this parish there, and these herds understanding they were tak'n notice of, removed out of the parish with their design of fighting frustrate. The session taking this affair under their consideration, and finding the Sabbath day would be greatly profaned by such ane unaccountable practice, judged it fit that some notice be taken of these herds who came to the place, and for that effect recommends to the Minister to write to the Minister of Errol and Inchsture thereanent." Cases of im morality were painfully common, which would seem to indicate rather a low tone in the parish. Mr. Hodge was resolute in dealing with every form of open sin. He was strict to a fault, and highly conscientious in his dealings with his people. One man guilty of adultery had to appear eighteen times before the congregation, and, on three of those occasions, in sackcloth. There were a good many appearances in sackcloth about this time. A person guilty of fornication had to appear three times, and one who had made a relapse six times; and it was enacted in 1725 that if any persons should " in time coming be found guilty of antenuptial fornication, they shall be liable to the same penalty with other fornicators."

One of the much frequented institutions of the parish was the Stool of Repentance. There are some curious references to it. Andrew Deuchars the wright got 8 lbs. in 1731 "for making a new stool of Repentance of his own timber and for mending seats in the kirk." The same year 12s. was paid "for materials to colour the stool of repentance," and three months later Ss. " for running in Balls and for lead at y^e Stool of Repentance." It would seem from the Records that the Stool was never empty.

In other ways things were in rather a depressed state. Mr. Hodge had to act both as Precentor and Session Clerk, and upon his shoulders the big share of every matter fell. Cases of discipline were both many and heavy, and it now and then needed the interposition of an authority like the factor of the Countess of Strathmore to bring offending parties to book. Two youths were summoned in 1731 for "fighting together and beating one another in the kirk, and that in the very time of worship." One of the lads objected, and the factor to the Countess of Strathmore was appealed to to interpose his authority and oblige him to come. This countess was the widow of Lord Strathmore who was killed at Forfar.

One practice that prevailed during Mr. Hodge's time was lending money to suitable persons. Little seems ever to have" been lost in this way, though there were slight mishaps. Moreover, advances were made to people for special ends. A hundred marks Scots were left in 1719 for the use of the poor by George Greenhill, the late gardener at Castle Lyon, which was given to the Presbytery Bursar. Frequent mention is made of moneys "received from Mr. James Duncan, professour of philosophy in y^e Old Colledge of St. Andrews" in "part payment of a sum of 300 merks borrowed by him from the session." Of Professor Duncan's career next to nothing is known. There is no complete list of Professors in St. Andrews previous to the middle of last century. But it appears from the Matriculation Book that Duncan was Regent and Professor of Philosophy in St. Salvator's College from 1716-17 to 1722-23 at least. These are the first and last years in which his name appears.

Two or three of the entries in the Session Records may be given, partly for their quaint-ness and partly for the peep they give us into the thoughts and the doings of Mr. Hodge and his Session.

Collections were made—(1) "for the Relief of the widows and orphans of the fishermen in the Mearns ; " (2) " for the Relief of the French

Protestants in Saxony and for the Scots Presbyterian congregation in New York;" (3) " for William Duncane who had his house brunt," and "for Francis Nicol who had his horse, the mean of his livelihood, taken from him ;" (4) " for the Bridge of Strone," etc.

Several Fasts and Thanksgivings were held.

Oct. 1726. " For a tree to support my Lord Kinnaird's loft, 4s." "It being use and wont y® the collections at marriages belong to the precentor and church officer equally to be divided betwixt them, the Session continues the same." "Sold of uncurrent half - pennies, etc." " Mrs. Buchan, the minister of St. Kilda's relict, 12s."

Mr. Hodge was married to Margaret Scrimgeour, and had five of a family—a son and four daughters.

One of the daughters, Jean, was married in 1732 to John Guthrie, younger of that ilk. We read of a collection being made on the Wednesday that they were kirked. One of [eans descendants became wife of the Laird of Mylnefield.

Mr. Hodge died Nov. 21, 1737. He was much respected by his people, and has left an example of painstaking, faithful service. Mr. Hodge deserves mention also as a benefactor of the poor in Longforgan, having left 400 merks for their benefit. Mr. Hodge was laird of Bathkemmer.

Note on William Elphinston: He was settled at Logie in 1687, but "was deprived for not reading the Proclamation of the Estates, and not praying for their majesties William and Mary. He officiated as Episcopal min. at Longforgan in March 1709, read the burial service at the funeral of Mr. Silv. Latnmie, min. of Essie and Nevay, was deposed by the Presb. of Dundee 26th Dec. 1716 for disloyalty; and died at Edinburgh, 9th May 1723. He marr. a daugh. of Mr. Andrew Honyman, min. of Kinneff, had a son James, author of several miscellaneous works, and a daugh., who marr. Mr. William Strachan, Kings Printer" (Scott's Fasti, 736).

13. George Lyon, A.M. Settled, 1738.— I he story of the vacancy at Longforgan is of some interest. Not long after the death of Mr. Hodge, a meeting of the elders was held, at which, " taking to their consideration the present desolate situation of this parish since the death of their late Rev'¹ and worthy pastor, and judging it their duty to contribute to the speedy settlement thereof, with the consent of heritors and heads of families, did and hereby do appoint Alex. Jack etc . . . two of their number to attend the Rev^d Presbytery of Dundee." They asked them to use their interest with the Presbyteries of Meigle and Forfar to get Mr. George Lyon and Mr. Robert Maxwell, preachers of the gospel in their bounds, to preach at Longforgan.

Lyon was chosen. When the heritors and elders asked the Presbytery to moderate a call, the famous Mr. Willison was appointed to preach. Four months later, in September 1738, Mr. Lyon was ordained to the parish.

A good deal of interest attaches to the name of Mr. Lyon on account of. his illustrious ancestry and his distinguished descendants, as well as on account of the long and honourable service he gave to the Church. Mr. Lyon could lay claim to a " lang pedigree." He was a descendant of the ancient house of De Leonne in France, who attended William the Duke of Normandy in his conquest of England. Nearly thirty years after the battle of Hastings, about 109 r, his son, Roger de Leonne, accompanied King Edgar, the son of Malcolm Canmore, to Scotland, and as an acknowledgment of his services against Donald Bane, received Glen Lyon. From him descended Sir John Lyon, whose son got the Thanedom of Glamis from King Robert 11. The Thane of Glamis married the Princess Jean, King Robert's second daughter. He received, further, the Barony of Kinghorn, and his grandson was made a peer—Lord Glamis.

By his first and second sons the family honours have been perpetuated. His third son, William, got the lands of Ogle in the county of Forfar. His descendant, George Lyon of Wester Ogle, had a son William, who in 1700 was admitted minister of Airlie." (Cf. Rogers' Four Perthshire Families.) This was the father of Lyon of Longforgan. He died in 1743, five years after his son was settled. Two further facts may be mentioned about Mr. Lyon's father. He was one of those who dissented against the deposition of Mr. John Glas, the minister of Tealing, for Independent principles. Lyon lived to see the sentence which was passed in 1730 removed, and Mr. Glas restored "to the character of a minister of the gospel of Christ,"—the Assembly " declaring, notwithstanding, that he is not to be esteemed a minister of the Established Church of Scotland, or capable to be called and settled therein, until he shall renounce the principles embraced by him, that are inconsistent with the constitution of this Church.' Mr. Glas was the founder of the body which is known as the Glassites. The other fact is that Mr. Lyon of Airlie was married to Agnes Glas, a sister of Glas of Tealing, so that the heretic of Tealing was uncle to the minister of Longforgan.

Lyon of Longforgan was connected by marriage with another somewhat distinguished minister of the day. His sister Jean married Moncrieff of Culfargie, who was one of the founders of the Associate Presbytery, and the first Professor of Divinity in connection with that body.

Not a great deal is known of the personal history of Mr. Lyon, the subject of our sketch. He is described as a man of " unimpeachable character. His ministry was a long one, extending from 1738 to 1793, in which year he died, in his eighty-third year, and in the fifty-fifth year of his ministry. The Session Records that might help us to clothe his ministry with flesh and blood are, unfortunately, largely awanting.

The population was steadily increasing. There were between forty and fifty baptisms in a year, and in one decade there were no less than two hundred and eighteen people in the parish married. The general health was good, although ague was rather common in the low-lying districts. Mr. Lyon made the curious observation that the hilly parts of the parish were the least healthy. The same remark was made of other parishes in the Carse.

Dunsinane lies but a little beyond one end of Longforgan. Readers of Shakespeare will remember how Macbeth says—

"Our castle's strength Will laugh a siege to scorn; here let them lie Till famine and the ague eat them up."

There are traces of the plague in the century preceding Lyon's time. It carried off five hundred persons in Perth in 1608-9. A stone used to be shown, not far from Longforgan village, where a number of persons who were said to have died of it were buried. The tradition was common that the stone had an inscription recording the fact. One who saw it last century speaks of it as being then defaced.

The religious life of the parish seems to have been marked by little movement. On the whole, discipline was less strict than during Mr. Hodge's ministry, but it was still maintained. The penalty for fornication was raised to £\o Scots. As an illustration of the observance of Fast Days, two cases that occurred in 1746 may be given. A woman was sessionally rebuked for employing a man to bring her lint home on the Fast Day, whilst a mason and his wife were similarly charged for having a cart yoked and for driving for the land. In one case of discipline the intervention of the Justice of Errol was sought. Two elders were suspended for gross neglect and carelessness.

The year 1740 was a year of great distress to the poor on account of a fierce storm in January, and it needed all. that Mr. Lyon and his Session could do to cope with the " necessitous conditions" of the people. But " his charity, benevolence, and attention to the poor made him eminently useful and much esteemed."' A contemporary proprietor in the parish pays this tribute to him : " During a ministry of fifty years and upwards, besides a very conscientious discharge of his duty 111 his official capacity, his charity, benevolence, and attention to the poor made him extremely useful and much beloved. His character was irreproachable ; he was a sincere Minister of the Gospel ; a good Christian; and an honest man." The monumental slab in the northern wall of the parish church was put there by his son William of Ogil, and is a warm tribute to his father as "an eminent pattern of piety and humility."

Mr. Lyon was a man of some means, and, in addition to the glebe, farmed a good piece of ground in the neighbourhood of the village.

He was twice married, first to Katharine Hodge, who lived but a short time, and secondly to Margaret Rodger. By her he had three sons and two daughters. The best known of his sons was the Rev. Dr. Lyon of Glammis, who married Agnes Ramsay L'Amy, the writer of "Neil Gow's Fareweel to Whisky," and other pieces. " Neil Gow's Fareweel " is said to have been written by her at his request to accompany a tune of his own. The first verse runs—

" ou've surely heard o' famous Neil,
The man that pla/d the fiddle weel;
I wat he was a canty chiel,
And dearly lo'ed the whisky, O!
And, aye s'n¹ he wore the tartan trews,
He dearly liket Athole brose;
And wae was he, you may suppose,
To play fareweel to whisky, O."

Mr. Lyon's younger daughter, Janet, married Dr. Moncrieff, physician at Perth; Margaret, the elder, Principal Playfair of St. Andrews. The Principal, then minister of Meigle, preached in Longforgan the Sabbath after Lyon was buried.

Margaret deserves more than a passing notice. Besides being the wife of Principal Playfair, this child of Longforgan became the mother of illustrious sons, and is cherished as the grandmother of still more illustrious grandsons. She is buried in St. Andrews, close by the grave of Samuel Rutherford. Her .son George was Inspector-General of Hospitals in the East India Medical Service. William was a Lieutenant-Colonel of.the62nd Native Infantry of India. Hugh Lyon entered the Indian Military Service, and took part in "the storming and capture of the fortress of Ralunga."

Hugh and William returned to St. Andrews, and did much to adorn their home.

Her grandsons have been still more distinguished—

(1) Lyon (who bears her name of Lyon), now Baron Playfair.

(2) Robert Playfair, Lieutenant - Colonel, Consul-General for Algeria, and author of many considerable works.

(3) William, Physician-Accoucheur to H.I. and R.H. Duchess of Edinburgh, now Duchess of Saxe-Coburg.

One event of a more public kind deserves notice here. It will be remembered that in consequence of scanty harvests about 1770, there were in several parts of the country what are known as Meal Mobs. Perth was the centre of the storm, but the tide of destruction rolled down the Carse towards Dundee. The harvest of 1772 was poor, and before the end of the year meal was very scarce. The poor were up in arms against the export of grain. The first outbreak took place on the 21st of December, when three or four hundred men from Abernethy and Newburgh met to wreak their rage on a farmer at Elcho who was charged with keeping back grain from the market. They neither found the farmer nor grain, and so they dispersed. Four days later, on Christmas, rumour ran through Newburgh that a vessel was being laden with corn at Errol. A little army of some sixty men set out from Newburgh by boat and made for Port Errol, where the grain was being loaded. The crew, the Errol farmers, and their servants, managed to repulse them, and when reinforcements were summoned by the invaders, they repulsed them again.

A fiercer encounter still took place in Perth on the 31st of the month, when the mob carried everything before them. I his was unfortunate. News of it speedily reached Dundee, and 011 the 4th of January a Meal Mob of several hundreds " earned off from the Packhouse about 400 bolls of wheat and barley." For some days Meal Mobs disturbed Dundee, and on Friday the 8th of January a large body of rioters marched to Mylnefield, the beautiful seat of Mr. Mylne. Arrived there, the rioters made a fierce onset on the house. The servants answered bravely, but after a stubborn fight it fell into the hands of the mob. Their rage was wild. Part of the building was torn down, the furniture of the house was flung about and broken, while whatever could be seized on was stolen. When the sack of Mylnefield was complete, part of the mob retreated laden with spoil. " By this time," as the graphic narrative in the Scots Magazine of the day continues, "a very great body of Carse farmers and their servants, armed with muskets, cutlasses, pitchforks, etc., had been called out by the ringings of the several parish bells, and were drawn up in the neighbourhood of Mylnefield; but as it was said the mob had many of them firearms, they hesitated about approaching, till they were joinedby Colonel D-(Duncan), who, on hearing the bells, had most generously left his own house with only one servant, to give his advice and assistance in quieting these disorders. He prevailed with the Carse folks to lay aside their muskets, and led them directly on to the house of Mylnefield, where was a part of the mob still remaining; of which, after a very feeble resistance, he took a good many prisoners, and dispersed the rest. This gentleman's spirited behaviour in the service he has now done the public, by effectually breaking the mob, can be equalled only by the humanity and tenderness shown to the poor misguided people, of which it mostly consisted, in first getting the farmers to lay aside firearms, the use of which would have been very fatal; and, afterbreaking the mob, in preventing, as much as one man could, the fury of the Carse servants, male and female, from breaking out on the poor creatures of prisoners, and the rest of the routed and dispersed rioters.

"Upon an express coming from Mylnefield, informing that the mob was put to flight, the magistrate who commanded the guard, marched them, to the number of 130 effective men, to the West Port, in order to prevent them so entering the town again in a body; but none appeared, except a few stragglers, who were taken into custody, and examined, and afterwards dismissed, as they appeared only to have gone there from an idle and ill-timed curiosity."

Within a short time the power of the law reasserted itself, and seventeen of the Meal Mob ringleaders in Dundee were put in the town prison, " whence they were conveyed to Edinburgh, bound in carts, under a strong guard of military ; where they arrived on Sunday night, the 10th of January, and were lodged in the prison of that city." Next March, six of the Dundee Meal Mob rioters were indicted to appear at the Justiciary Court in Edinburgh. Five were outlawed for not appearing. Richard Robertson, a sailor, answered. He was unanimously found guilty of having been engaged in the riot at Mylnefield, and was sentenced by the lords who presided, to be banished to one or other of his Majesty's plantations for life.

"Upon sentence being passed, the pannel made a short speech, informing the court, that he had a wife and children, whose subsistence depended entirely on him; that though he did not acknowledge himself guilty of any crime, yet he was willing to undergo whatever punishment the court should inflict upon him, however severe, if they would allow him to remain at home with his family, and concluded, by saying, that if they did not change his sentence from perpetual banishment, he would much rather be hanged than submit to it."

A little later, Janet Barclay, wife of William Craighead, weaver in Dundee, who was among the rioters at Mylnefield, received sentence of transportation for life.

This, however, is not the close of the story of the sack of Mylnefield. We find the county meeting held at Forfar on March 10, voting the thanks of that county to Colonel Duncan and the farmers in the neighbourhood who had helped to quell the riot, and voting its thanks also to Mr. Graham of Fintry for his spirited action on that occasion. Mr. Graham had a personal reason. A month later we read— "April 12. At Dundee, Robert Graham of Fintrie, Esq. ; to Miss Peggy Mylne, second daughter of Thomas Mylne of Mylnefield, Esq

Whether Miss Peggy's prospects had anything to do with it we cannot say, but Mr. Mylne seems to have been upset by the apparent slur on the kindness of his heart.

The county meeting at Forfar passed this resolution also: That as, from the atrocious circumstances attending the unprovoked riot, or rather robbery, at the house of Mr. Mylne of Mylnefield, people at a distance might be led to think Mr. Mylne either a corn-dealer, meal-monger, or some such obnoxious person ; the meeting, in justice to that gentleman's character, which is, in every respect, very opposite to that of a forestaller, think themselves bound, in honour, to publish the following circumstances, which consist with the knowledge of the whole county : That Mr. Mylne never deal in meal, or grain of any kind, further than to dispose of the produce of his own estates ; not one boll of which he ever exported ; and what grain he sold this season, previous to these riots, was to two brewers and a baker in Dundee; one of the parcels of barley, and all the wheat, he referred the price of to the brewer and baker who got it, and who fixed the price of the barley at 14s. and the wheat at 20s. ; the price of the third parcel he fixed with the brewer who got it at 16s. 6d., notwithstanding that, some days before, a very large quantity of barley was sold in his neighbourhood at 18s., a circumstance which was known both to him and the brewer; which, it is hoped, will plainly demonstrate that Mr. Mylne had no intention of screwing up the prices of grain."

The Laird of Mylnefield further brought an action against the County of Perth in the Court of Session for damage done by the Meal Mob. A debate took place as to how much Mr. Mylne was entitled to claim, and as to who should pay it. The Court finally decided that he was only entitled to the damage which had been done to his house, and that said damage should be paid for by the inhabitants of Perthshire, and levied by the Justices of the Peace.

A Retrospect.

It may be worth while to pause here, for a moment or two, and try to picture to ourselves the general condition of things in Longforgan.

The fifty years of Lyon's ministry saw many changes, and more were brewing when he died. Within the last thirty years of the century no less than six-sevenths of the parish changed hands. Castle Huntly was sold by the Strathmore family in 1777 to Mr. Paterson, whose descendants still own it. The new proprietor did a good deal for his people.

In his General View of the Agriculture of the Carse of Gowrie, 1794, Donaldson says that previous to 1755 the humbler homes of the Carse were " paultry and mean." Of late, however, several of the proprietors have expended very considerable sums n erecting commodious and substantial houses for the inhabitants; and the villages of Errol, Balled-garno, and Longforgan, in place of being a deformity, have now become an ornament to the country" (p. 21).

The earlier houses in Longforgan were very lowly. ' I hey were "narrow, low-roofed, and inconvenient." They were built "with turf and stone, or with clay for mortar, and all thatched with turf and straw." There was not a trace of lime to be seen in 1777 in the houses of the village.

A good many of these houses disappeared at this time. Mr. Paterson put up about sixty new houses on his property. Those in the village were a great improvement upon the old. Robertson refers, in 1799, to the neatness and taste of the buildings in Longforgan, Crieff, etc., and speaks of these places as being almost entirely new. Within walls, these houses measured 28 or 30 feet by 15. They had two apartments, with a window in each to the street. Then there was a smaller room in the middle, with a window to the back, which was used as a storeroom. The door was in the centre. The houses were built of stone and lime. The floors were of earth or clay. The garrets were laid with deal, and the houses were covered with " sewed thatch of wheat-straw, tiles or slates, with sky-lights." It cost to build them from £3o to £$0 apiece. A number of new farmhouses were put up about the same time.

The village had then some six hundred inhabitants. There were three farmers in it, paying rents from £60 to ^150, and thirty-six acremen paying from to £16. Most of the latter followed a trade besides, but the little farm brought many a* comfort. All the inhabitants, manufacturers or labourers, had gardens. The following table will give some idea of the occupations of the people of the parish:—

Wages were not high, but during the last quarter of the century they went up rapidly.

Women got from £3 to £4 but usually got a part of it in lint and cloth.

Another table will bring out the change between

With rent to meet, clothing to provide, and education to pay, these sums left but a small margin. But a distinct improvement took place about this time in the mode of living. Comparatively few used butcher meat, but good wholesome food was fairly plentiful, and some of the lesser luxuries began to be used. It is doubtful how far this change affected the farm servants. Formerly, they lived with the family, and "their usual food was broth made of kail and barley, or grotts (unhusked oats), without meat, and bannocks made of pease and bean meal. Now (circa 1797) "they live apart from the family in their bothie, and get what is livery meal, i.e. 2 pecks of oat-meal per week, and 3 choppins (quarts) of skimmed milk per day."

Other changes were taking place tending to the emancipation of the people. Down to 1777 the feudal system prevailed, though less strictly than before. In the leases which came into Mr. Paterson's hands when he acquired Castle Huntly, the tenantry were bound to quite a number of services. Amongst other things, they were thirled to a special mill. The mill was that of Millhill. Originally, it belonged to the family of Lyon, but it had passed out of their hands. And yet, out of this evil system of thirlage, the people of Longforgan, and indeed all the tenants of Castle Huntly, had still to grind their corn at this mill, though it was no longer a part of the property. In early times, when mills were few, it was a boon to the tenants to have their corn ground at almost any price. Thirlage was a sort of compensation for building and upholding a mill, and paying the wages of a miller. It is frequently spoken of in leases as " doing debt to the mill." According to Robertson, the multure amounted in some places to four lippies out of every sixteen pecks, or about i^th part of the whole. On the lands of Keithock, it is described in the Register of Cupar Abbey as "the ane-and-twenty corne," i.e. the twenty-first sheaf, which would amount to nearly five per cent. In later times, when mills increased, and, with them, competition, the system of thirlage became a heavy grievance. It was like a tax on industry. To keep up its rent, the baron compelled his people to grind their corn at his mill, notwithstanding that there were other mills where it could have been done cheaper. The millers, too, took advantage of those who were thirled, and proved themselves often as insolent and overbearing, as they were inattentive and negligent. Before the century closed, the system of thirlage was past.

There were other things that were equally absurd. In earlier days, the small farmers and acremen had no leases at all. They were simply tenants at will, and were tied down by most rigid conditions; and " so little was the interest of the landlord understood, or the tenant regarded, that so lately, as between the year 1750 and 1760, it was an established custom, that the Earl of Strathmore's officers (who was the proprietor at that time) actually seized upon one tenth of the crop yearly, upon the lands of Longforgan, as part rent, and carried it, corn and fodder, off the field ; and not one dared to lead a sheaf of corn till that was done. Some time after, new tacks (leases) were entered into, more favourable to the tenant; but, in all, still such a number of 15 feudal services were required, as to show the practice of former times, and how unwilling they were to give them up ; and what is very extraordinary, it was not the landlords alone who were unwilling to give them up; for in the year 1782, when the present proprietor of Castle Huntly proposed to convert all the feudal bondages into a very moderate money-rent, some very intelligent tenants were averse to convert even the harvest-bondage, which of all others was the most oppressive, although at the moderate computation of iod. per day per shearer. ...

"The tacks (leases) entered into, between 1760 and 1770, with the greater tenants in this parish, were in general for 38 years, to themselves, heirs, executors and assignees, with power to sublet. They were all thirled to a particular mill; their restrictions were loose and unguarded ; subject to bondage in harvest and a certain number of carriages. . . . Liferent tacks were then not uncommon; and they sometimes extended to two or three lives. In some tacks (leases) a very extraordinary clause was introduced; the tenant had leave to name any life he pleased during his tack (lease), upon which his possession was to continue. . . .

"At this day (circa 1797) there is no thirlage ; there is no bondage in harvest; nor are the tenants bound to day's work in planting, etc.

They pay their rents in money and victual only. They are not bound to go messages; and they only are bound to carry with their horses and carts, a certain proportion of coals for the proprietor's family, if they reside; which is exceedingly moderate, and some carts for lime, etc., which is seldom demanded; but it is expressly provided, that they shall not be demanded either in seed-time or harvest (Sin., Stat., xix. pp. 517-20).*

Jacobin principles had some hold in the parish at the close of the century, One cause of this in Longforgan, as elsewhere, was the reaction of the people from the too great rigour of the system under which they had been reared.

This period saw a great improvement upon the land of the parish, and, indeed, of the Carse. Passing glimpses that we get of earlier times show that the Carse was very damp and swampy. This was the case in Longforgan. It is not unlikely that Monorgan is really Mon-Fhorgan; the moss or marsh (Gaelic, vioine) of Forgan, the "f" having dropped out through aspiration. Cf. Killallan, which is Kil-Fhillan, the church of Fillan. In both cases the "h" marks the genitive. Earl Patrick speaks of the ground as being very marshy and swampy. An amusing story is told of one of the Carse lairds, who was in the habit of complaining of the boorish stupidity of those whom he employed. The laird used to say that, if he only had good clay, he thought he could make better men himself. This came to the ear of the people, and roused their anger. It was not long before they had their revenge. One day the laird got into a quagmire where he stuck. He struggled to* extricate himself, but in the nature of the case it was useless. At this moment a peasant chanced to pass. The laird cried lustily to him to help him out of the quagmire. Unhappily, the swain recognised him. He passed heedlessly on, willingly deaf to his cries, just giving, as he passed, a knowing look, and saying, " I see ye're making your men, laird; I'll no' disturb ye."

"Previous to the year 1735." says Robertson {Gen. View, of A grit. Perthshire, 1799,, p. 63), "even the fertile soil in the Carse of Gowrie was astonishingly unproductive, in comparison of its present state. The land was overrun in many places with rushes, or disfigured with pools of water, at that time the usual haunt of lapwings ; and the whole people subject to the ague. The outfield ( = unreclaimed land) was cultivated as long as it produced three or four, bolls from the acre. The infield ( = cultivated) was generally cropt in four divisions, wheat, barley, oats, pease and beans. About this period, some gentlemen and farmers in that district diffused a spirit of improvement among all ranks in their neighbourhood; and the rushes, the lapwing, and ague have now totally disappeared."

The roads, too, were few and poor, and often impassable. Prior to 1790, a good part of the Carse was inaccessible for nearly half the year. Produce had to be delivered on horseback. This made the carting of manure, etc., to the farms all but impossible. The state of the roads affected everything. Robertson mentions how lime had been used with advantage at Lauriston in Longforgan, but that the full benefit was not reaped, owing to the distance and scarcity of fuel, which was, of course, largely due to the want of good roads (p. 33).

In 1790, the turnpike from Dundee to Perth was begun. The keystone of the arch that spans the Invergowrie burn at Mylnefield bears the date 1791. In addition to this, the heritors of Longforgan spent some hundreds of pounds in improving the cross roads. This large improvement was both a cause and an effect of the increasing value of land. We subjoin from Sinclair's Statistical Account two or three illustrations of this increasing value :—

"In 1777, the rents doubled what they were in 1750, in consequence of the beginning improvements in agriculture at that time."

"In 18 years more, i.e. in 1795, the value of property actually doubled what it was in 1777, and from the same causes, added to the decreased value of money."

"About the year 1750, the best clay farms were let at 5s. per acre. A few years after, when valued for new leases, they were supposed to be overrated at 10s. In 1759, the same farms were let at 17s. In 1782, they rose to 25s. In 1786, they were let at 45s. And the same lands would probably let now at 50s. per acre at least' (p. 525).

"Another estate, of about 300 acres, in 1777, brought a rent of ^65, which now pays .£305, besides 75 acres of very thriving plantations, which were at that time not worth more than 2s. per acre on an average. They were valued lately by a nurseryman at ,£3375 sterling. Their weedings yield about 10s. per acre per annum ; and if they continue to thrive equally well, may, when fifty years old, be worth four times the sum" (p. 501).

There was a good deal of waste land in Longforgan, where now and then a fox might be seen on its way to some poultry-yard, and even " a strolling red-deer," and where the cry of the plover and the snipe and the heron might be heard. In 17S0, between the bank of Longforgan and the clay, there was a piece of ground called the Latch. (A farm road there is still spoken of as the Latch Road.) It covered 20 acres, and was so morassy that, at bits, it could not carry a horse. This was improved by the digging of ditches, and twenty years later, what was let in 1780 at 5s. per acre, was worth from 50s. to When Mr.

Lyon was settled in Longforgan, there was an uncultivated moor of some 600 acres which ran across the parish from east to west. Little was to be seen on it but whin and broom, [his moor was divided in 1761 among the adjoining proprietors of Castle Huntly and Mylnefield, and is now represented by plantation and arable land.

It was about this time that the newer methods of work began. The old implements were giving place to new and better. Querns were rapidly disappearing. It was time. Before thrashing-mills were introduced, much waste and embezzlement took place. The first thrashing-mill in the district was introduced in 17SS by Mr. Paterson, who had an inventive turn and was fond of experimenting. Eight years later, there were fifteen; fifty years later, there were thirty-two. Except five or six 011 high ground, which were driven by water, they were all driven by horses. Steam power had only been tried in one case in the Carse by 1838. How far we have travelled from that state of things!

The crops in Longforgan seem generally to have been good, and there are the details on record of great crops. One of the crops which the people of Longforgan were especially successful in raising, was lint. The familiar cry of potato disease comes to us from last century. Besides a large industry in live stock, there was some bee culture, a little cheesemaking, a larger quantity of butter, which found a good market in Dundee. When the smaller farms were merged in greater, poultry-keeping fell off considerably. In earlier times, the lesser farmers and the acremen used to pay a portion of their rent in kind—in fowls. This both kept up the breed and met the wants of the neighbouring market. In time, however, the practice ceased, and this branch of work fell off. The change was probably necessary, but it has taken away something from the picturesqueness of our country life, and when such things are disappearing so fast, we read regretfully that there were once eight dovecots or pigeon-houses in the parish. One has just been pulled down at Invergowrie. It must, however, be said that the pigeons were destructive. 1796 was a trying year in the parish. It is calculated that, in that year, grain equal to the maintenance of 3000 persons was devoured by pigeons in the county of Midlothian. In a parish about the same size as Longforgan, with 1S00 inhabitants, the doves of its six pigeon-houses are reckoned to have eaten 120 bolls yearly. Each pigeon-house consumed 20 bolls of corn. It is little wonder that the farmers complained.

A short reference to harvesting will bring this sketch to a fitting close. At this time, the practice was to hire shearers for the whole harvest, which lasted generally about three weeks. Wages ran between 20s. and 30s. for men, and between 14s and 20s. for women. In 1780, the harvest cost in one farm in the parish 5s. per acre; in t781, 5s. 8d. ; 1782, 6s. ; 1783, 7s. 1 id. Before the century closed, it had gone as high as 10s. per acre.

"All the shearers get bread and beer in the field, i.e. a choppin (of about an English quart) of beer, and the bread of i-i4th of a peck of oatmeal for breakfast ; and for dinner 3 mutchkins (pints) of beer, and i-i4th of a peck of meal m bread; and with some, it is also a practice to get half a lippie of oatmeal every night, i.e. 1 8th of a peck, while the harvest lasts, for their supper, which they may either use or take home to their families. . . .

"It was, till very lately, the custom to give what was called a Maiden Feast, upon the finishing of the harvest; and to prepare for which, the last handful of corn reaped in the field was called the Maiden. This was generally contrived to fall into the hands of one of the finest girls in the field; was dressed up in ribbands, and brought home in triumph, with the music of fiddles or bagpipes. A good dinner was given to the whole band, and the evening spent in joviality and dancing, while the fortunate lass who took the maiden was the Queen of the feast; after which, this handful of corn was dressed out, generally in the form of a cross, and hung up, with the date of the year, in some conspicuous part of the house. This custom is now entirely done away; and in its room to each shearer is given 6d. and a loaf of bread." Sin., Stat., xix. pp. 549-50 (circa 1797)-

14. Adam Cairns. Settled, 1793.—Cairns was brought up at the parish school of Temple. He was licensed in 1787. Six years later, he was presented to Longforgan by George III., and was ordained in September 1793. The manse to which he came was built in 1753, during Mr. Lyon's time. Shortly after he entered the charge it got a thorough repair, and "is now (1797) a most excellent convenient house; it has very good offices, all lately repaired, a good garden, and is beautifully situated, commanding a most extensive view of the river Tay, and the rich grounds below." With the house, garden, glebe, and offices, the position was worth about £ 150 per annum.

When Cairns was settled, there was only one ruling elder in the parish, and things were in the sleepy condition which the reign of Moderatism had produced in Scotland. The condition of the poor was not less urgent than it had been. One of the entries in 1818 is as follows: "The Session taking into consideration that their Clerk, from his entry, has had the marriage Pawns allowed him, and for which he taught some poor Scholars; but as the necessities of the Poor are now more urgent and pressing, they resolved that, in future, the Pawns shall be paid into the Poors' Fund. They further resolved that the said Pawns shall be regulated in the following manner, viz. When the Proclamation is on three Lord's days, the Pawns shall be one Shilling and Eight Pence. When on two Lord's days, the Pawns shall be Two Shillings and one Penny. And when on one Lord's day, the Pawns shall be Three Shillings." The Clerk did not approve of the change, and "produced letters from the Session Clerks of the Parishes of Fowlis Easter, Murroes, and Blairgowrie (in all which Parishes he had been Schoolmaster and Session Clerkj, showing that the Marriage Pawns had been allowed him and his Successors in Office, in all these Parishes, and none of the dues were given to the Poor." We have quoted it, however, as suggesting^- the necessitous case of the poor.

1796 was a year of much hardship. The crop of 1795 was so deficient, that before February, 1796, there was widespread want. This was abated by the spirited action of the heritors. " Mr. Mylne of Mylnefield, and Mr. Wemyss of Laurieston, who had oats, took charge of their own tenants; but as Lord Kinnaird and Mr. Paterson had neither oats nor meal of their own, they sent from London 400 quarters of the best mealing English oats, which they directed to be ground into meal, to be sold at the Dundee market price to all of their tenants who wanted, and who could afford to pay; and to those whose daily earning were not sufficient to maintain themselves and family, they ordered the meal to be given out weekly at a reduced price, i.e. at is. per peck, and to continue till next harvest; and to the poor for nothing" (Sinclair's Stat., xix. pp. 485-86). The Session at the same time resolved to give " their resident poor meal instead of money; and to every person entitled to is. to give in its place one peck of good oatmeal."

1811, long remembered in the district for its comet, was as prosperous as the year 1812 was trying. " By the harvest being rainey, and by an excessive Wind on a Sunday that Harvest, which shook a great part of the corn that was uncut, the supply of meal was very scanty, and the price rose gradually from is. 6d. per Peck to 2s. 6d. per Peck, and at last to the great price of 3s. per Peck, and could not be got, but with difficulty at any price, so that the distresses of the Poor have been, and are still, very great."

It may be of interest to give a condensed statement of the number of the "listed poor," and of the amount received and expended in the twenty-six years between 1790 and 1815. During these years "the listed poor were 348, giving an average of 13^ " — the greatest number ever being 18. In 1838 the number on the roll was 20. It is now (1895) 24.

These figures will show that there were comparatively few who needed this form of help, at the close of last century. It is spoken of as extraordinary that there was only one travelling beggar in the parish. '1 his state of things may be accounted for, by the comparatively prosperous state of the parish at this time. Wages, indeed, were not high, but the living was simple, and there was plenty of work.

Kingoodie quarry gave employment to a large number, and so did the making of the Perth and Dundee turnpike. Then there were other buildings being erected. Women and children could easily get work in the fields for three-fourths of the year. Others had it steadily in weaving.

During the same period, ^1588, 4s. 7^d. was received for the poor, and ^1595, 2s. 4d. spent —an average of £61, 7s. In 1838, £98, 9s. was spent; in 1895 the total expenditure of the Parochial Board on the Registered Poor, was ^129, 13s. id. The sums given were very modest. The twelve persons on the Session list in 1795 had, on an average, less than a shilling in the week.

The Poor's Fund was raised partly by interest on an invested sum of ^230, partly by weekly collections averaging 10s., partly by fees for marriages and burials, partly from seat-rents, and partly by gifts and fines. A few entries may be given :—

"Oct. 2, 1805. To Cash from Lord Kin-naird for the use of the Poor."

"Nov. 26, 1805. Funeral of the Right Hon. Lord Kinnaird, 5s. To Gratuity at the Funeral of the Right Hon^Wc Lady Kinnaird, who died two days after the burial of her husband, £$, 3s."

"Dec. 20, 1S07. To Cash received at the Funeral of Lord Gray, £5.

"July 16, 1S09 Received for the Poor, a gift at the funeral of Charles Kinnear, tenant at Inchmichael, the sum of Ten Guineas, £10, 10s." And a like sum was given in 1S02 by George Paterson of Castle Huntly on the death of " his lady."

Next year the laird made another donation. On the 12th of May the castle was observed to be on fire. By the exertions of the people of Longforgan, the fire was prevented from destroying more than the wing in which it broke out. Mr. Paterson gave £5 then. £4, gs. was received from some persons, who were fined by the Justices for a breach of the Lord's Day; and £2, 2s. was received from C harles Hunter of Dron, "as a fine from Peter Falconer, Sadler in Forgan, for shooting his dog." Mention is made of a fine of 6s. 8d. for a private rebuke by the minister; and another of £i, 10s.

There are two entries in 1814 of gifts by the laird of Castle Huntly. The laird did not forget his collection when detained from church.

£1 11s. 6d. is entered as Mr. Faterson's collection," paid up, as he has not been in church for some time past, owing to distress."

The same year, a guinea was presented by him, " being the amount of what the Customs of the New Market or Tryst held tb is day in Longforgan came to (this being the first year Custom was taken, it being free of Custom for seven years before). This Fair or 1 ryst was established in 1807 by Mr. Paterson, and was held on the last Monday of April. Longforgan had two other markets dating from 1663, one on the first Wednesday of June, and another on the first Wednesday of October. (Cf. Act in favour of the Earl of Kinghorne for two yeerlie fairs in the toun of Longforgun, Sept. 5, 1662.) A good deal of business used to be transacted at those fairs. Farm servants were engaged and cattle sold. Time has changed these customs, and what is now known as Forgan Market is only a shadow of what 't was. The markets were held at the Market Knowe. This was a tumulus on the moor of Forgan, "about 6 feet high, and 28 yards diameter, surrounded with a ditch 10 yards wide;."

Three national events were celebrated publicly in Longforgan during Mr. Cairns' ministry. The first was on the occasion of the victory of his Majesty's fleet at Trafalgar, in which battle Lord Nelson was killed. An extraordinary collection was made for the widows and families of those who fell in the action, and the parish was asked to "appear in mourning in token of respect for the memory of Lord Nelson." When George III. died, 6§ yards of black flannel were bought, " with other necessaries, for covering the Pulpit and. Desk, as a token of respect to the memory of our deceased Sovereign." But the greatest demonstration took place on the occasion of the |abilee of George III. in 1809. It was intimated, 011 October 22 nd, that a thanksgiving sermon would be preached, and a collection for the poor made, that they may be enabled to rejoice as well as others.

The following is a description of the day's doings: " The day was ushered in by ringing of the Bells, displaying of Flags and other demonstrations of joy; at 12 o'clock, public worship began, when our minister preached a suitable Sermon from 1 Peter ii, 17, 'Fear God—Honour the King.' After Sermon all the Tenants of Castle Huntly with as many of their families as could attend, were feasted by George Paterson, Esquire, of Castle Huntly, in the Garden belonging to Mr. John Hume, master of the Inn, where upwards of 600 persons dined together. In the Inn, the principal Farmers, with the Minister and Schoolmasters, dined together. A Bonfire was lighted up at the Cross in the evening, and two Hogsheads of Porter distributed among the people. The whole ended with peace, harmony, and joy, without any riot or disturbance whatever." The only mishap was the rending of the great bell, which was sold for ^5, and it was five years before the clock went again. An old residenter, who died in 1884, told me that she remembered being let in, as a child, at the close of the Jubilee Banquet and getting cold potatoes — which were to her a great treat.

During Mr. Cairns' time a good deal of overhauling took place. A new church was built in 1795, and most of its furnishings were renewed. It may be of interest to give the cost of some of these. Two new Communion Flagons cost £1, us.; a Folio Pulpit Bible, £2, 1 os.; a Psalm Book for the use of the Minister in the Church, 6s.; a Chest to hold the

Session Books and Papers, 16s.; 1200 Tokens with the Matrices, £2, os. nd. The Beadle had £2 a year; the Precentor £3 ; the Clerk £4. These were modest sums, but other outlays were, of necessity, higher in proportion. We are reminded that Rowland Hill had not done his work when we find sixpence entered for the postage of a letter; and we are inclined to smile when we read of five shillings being given, in 1808, as expenses to a "man who came from Dundee to inform the Session that Widow Gray was dead."

One of the larger changes took place in connection with education. Till about the year 1800, there was but one school for the parish. 1 here was a " very tolerable" school house, with a house tor the master attached toit, and the post was worth about ^"50 a year. Mr. Paterson of Castle Huntly, under whose patronage the school may be considered to have been, took a lively interest in it. He paid for twelve scholars whose parents were unable to meet the school fees or school wages, as they were called, and used to give prizes of ^<w Bi'bles, New Testaments, Collections, account - books, pens and paper."

About the year 1800 a private school was established in the village of Kingoodie by Thomas Mylne, Esq. of Mylnefield, and another in the '1 town " of Longforgan by Mr. Paterson, the laird of Castle Huntly. In 1825, the average number of scholars at Kingoodie was 60; in Mr. Paterson's school at Longforgan, 30. ' The parish school had an average of 60. 1 he effect of the Education Act in increasing the attendance of scholars has been striking^-. There are now two schools in the parish, one at Longforgan, one at Mylnefield. I11 1821, with a population of 1544, the average attendance was 150 ; in 1895, with a population of 1779, the attendance averages 297.

There are few indications of much spiritual life in the parish during this time. The number of communicants was high, sometimes over 700. But it was not an unknown thing to see weavers of Kingoodie returning from the Sacrament drunk. Discipline was much relaxed, and it does not seem to have been administered in a helpful way. The late Mr. Gilfillan gives us a peep in his Journal of a kind of life that, we believe, was more prevalent a hundred years ago than it is to-day: "15th September 1863. Was at Longforgan to-day at the funeral of a child. The father's grief is great, but he consoles himself by the hope of infant salvation. . . . Met a curious specimen, a man eighty - nine years of age, who appears seldom to have had one thought above the clods, to which he is now reluctantly bending. Dr. R. was once pressing him about his soul, when he broke in and said, ' Eh, man! when I was young we used to sit drinking till it was three in the morning. It was fine fun.' R. gave him up in despair." There are other traces of much low life. 'I he warmest religious life was to be found outside the Established Church. There were about the year 1800 a few Dissenting families in Longforgan belonging to the Relief, the Independent, the Original Secession, and the Secession Churches. These numbered in all about 40 persons. There were 12 Episcopalians. The nearest Secession place of worship was at Myrekirk. On the Sabbath, some of those worthies found their way there, either in a cart, or both (man and wife) seated on one horse, f here were a good many fellowship meetings held in these homes; and it was not an uncommon thing for the Seceder ministers in passing through the country, from place to place, to put up for a night in one of the homes of Longforgan. By this means, news of the churches as well as of public events was spread, and godly impressions made upon the old who loved the truth, and upon the young who were seeking it.

One of the better signs in the parish was the support given to the Carse Bible Society. No less a sum than £6, 6s. is entered on the records of the Session as having being paid.

Mr. Cairns was twice married—first to a daughter of Mr. Miln of Kinnaird, and secondly to Elizabeth Hally, who died in 1847. He died himself in 1821, in the sixty-fourth year of his life, and in the thirty-ninth of his ministry. By his first wife, Mr. Cairns had a son who was destined to occupy a position of some prominence.

Adam Cairns was born at Longforgan Manse, on the 30th January 1802. He got the rudiments of education in the parish school. At the age of fourteen he went to St. Andrews, where he took a good place. After a fierce spiritual conflict he found the light. In 1824, he was licensed by the Presbytery of Cupar. One of his first sermons was preached in Longforgan. 'I hereafter he assisted for a time the Rev. Sir Henry Well wood Moncreiff,

Bart. An affectionate friendship sprang up between the venerable baronet and his assistant, as the following incident related by Cairns will show : " The late Sir Henry Moncreiff was, in the best sense of the term, my father. I loved him while he lived, and I venerate his memory. It was my privilege to be much with him during his last days and his last hours. One forenoon, as his end approached, he began to bewail the unworthiness of his life, declaring in moving words that he had been an unprofitable servant. I ventured to say to him, ' Sir, you should not speak of yourself in that way. Remember how much good you have been enabled to do. What an example you will leave for the benefit of others, and especially of such as 1 am!' He replied with all the decision of his character, ⁴ Stop, you are wrong ! I have no good thing in me ; I leave you no example. I am nothing but a poor dying sinner. Christ is all! I am nothing, and I leave nothing. Christ is all! I now see more clearly than ever I did before the greatness of the ministry; and had I to begin life again, I would go through the whole world preaching the glorious gospel, holding forth Christ and Him crucified, the only refuge and hope of the perishing. There is nothing else worth living for."'

His first charge was at Manor, where he was ordained in 1S28. Five years later he was translated to Dunbog, and thence to Cupar in 1837. At this time the Ten Years' Conflict was raging. Cairns took the Non-Intrusion side, and was one of the noble band of men who, rather than surrender the Crown Rights of Jesus Christ, surrendered his position and its emoluments when the Free Church of Scotland separated from the State in 1843. After the Disruption he went for a time to Gibraltar, his health being poor. In 1853 he received the degree of D.D. from the University of St. Andrews. Demitting his charge at Cupar, he sailed for Australia, and was inducted the same year to Chalmers' Church, Melbourne. Influential as Dr. Cairns had been at home, his settlement in Melbourne was the beginning of a career of nobler influence. The discovery of the goldfields had drawn thousands to Australia, and it was at this critical time that Dr. Cairns was sent out by his Church at the head of a little band of ministers, whose mission was to supply the young colony with the means of grace. . "This was a splendid gift to a young country. It would be difficult to overestimate the far-reachtiig good resulting from it. The influence of Adam Cairns and that band of men whose hearts God had touched has been powerfully felt to this day as an important factor in the Christian civilisation of Australia, and will long continue to be so recognised."

It is a far call from Longforgan to Victoria, but it may help us to understand the opportunity which had come to this son of Longforgan Manse, if we recall one or two facts about the colony. Two years before he went out to it, there were about 100,000 people in Victoria ; three years after he settled in it, there were almost 400,000 The yield of gold in 1853 was more than 12J millions. The average of the eight years ending 1S61 was nearly 10 millions, and during the thirty years prior to 1881 it had produced over 202 millions. When Cairns went out in 1853, he took an iron house with him. It was brought out at a cost of £\ooo. "As an illustration of the enormous rise in wages through the gold discovery, the cost of erection amounted to as much as the original purchase.'

It was a trial to Cairns to leave Scotland.

"It is with peculiar pain," he said in the General Assembly before he left, "that I take leave, as I must now do, of the Free Church— the Church of my heart, my affections, and my hopes—the Church of my country and my God." But he threw himself with extraordinary spirit into the work that waited him. In 1852, ten churches were built; in 1853, seventy-nine. His own church was built in seventeen days, and everything was pushed forward with an energy which was constantly reinforced by his great personality. For the first twelve years of his ministry in Melbourne he seldom had more rest than "about four hours out of the twenty-four." But his toil was Australia's gain. T he press was loud in his praise. One of its leading organs has testified : " By his marked strength and individuality of character, he succeeded in rapidly bringing about a great change in the prospects of his Church in Victoria. His eloquence and earnestness soon won him a large congregation. Mainly by his efforts the union of the Presbyterian bodies was effected, the Scotch College was built and carried on, provision for education made, young men trained for the ministry, and much other important work done for the social, religious, and intellectual advancement of the colony."

After twelve years' hard toil, his nervous system gave way, and he returned to Scotland for a time. His address to the General Assembly in 1865 contains, perhaps, the best account we can give of h s early work, and it is a noble specimen of his eloquence : " Twelve years have rolled' away since I bade you farewell. I went with your Commission in the very height of the prodigious stream of emigration, to Victoria, consequent on the discovery of the goldfields, to do what I could to provide for the spiritual wants of our people, and to co-operate with others in building up our Presbyterian cause in that far distant land. I have now returned, as it were, to report progress—to tell how your Commission has fared in the hands of those to whom ^?t was confided. Well, I have seen many strange and many wonderful things. I have seen a city, little better than a collection of hovels, built of brick, of wood, of zinc, of corrugated iron, of canvas, of lath and plaster, of wattle and daub, rise and expand into the form and dimensions, with something of the beauty and something of the splendour of a magnificent metropolis. I have seen a state of social anarchy and utter confusion give place to one of order and comfort—the certain proof of a thriving and, I hope, upon the whole, a very promising young commonwealth. I have seen a population of 70,000 or 80,000 multiplied eight times. I have seen a country, whose only roads were bush-tracts, intersected with railways of admirable construction. I have witnessed, also, the origin and development of those philanthropic institutions which attend the progress of Christian civilisation; hospitals for the sick and maimed; refuges for the destitute and helpless ; asylums for the orphan and stranger, the deaf and dumb, etc. I have assisted at the setting up and establishing of a system of common schools, which has ripened into a liberally supported educational system, almost commensurate with the necessities of the population. Alongside of this national scheme for the education of all, there are well-appointed and ably-conducted grammar schools, of which the most popular and most prosperous is our own Scotch College, under the efficient management of Mr. Morrison. And this educational edifice is crowned, as it ought to be, with a university, built at great cost, with a competent staff of professors, with ample means, and very considerable pretensions. But more interesting^- to this audience will be an account of our religious operations. Twelve years ago, there were in the colony just fourteen Presbyterian ministers of all sections. These were divided amongst themselves, weakened each other's hands, and embarrassed each other's movements. Now, the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, the United Church, consists of ninety-four ministers, ordained and settled in charges, together with ten at the disposal of our Home Mission and eligible for calls, and two missionaries, one to the Chinese, and another to the Aborigines.

To happy Scotland, highly favoured of God ! No country can compare with thee, either as to the riches of gospel privileges, or of names that are so many towers of strength. Let no one suppose that lapse of time, or remoteness of position, has cooled or tended to cool the ardour of my devotion to my native land. No ; Scotland is dearer to me than ever. I love every feature of her countenance, every line and nook and point of her varied and beautiful scenery. Dear to me are her mountains and hills, her glens and straths, her lochs and rivers, her mossy waters and wimpling burnies, her bonnie haughs and heathery braes ; dear to me are the voices of her nature—the song of her birds and the murmur of her streams, the warbling of the lark as he climbs the sky with quivering wings, of the mavis from the tree top, of the cushat from the leafy grove, of the lintie from the waving and tasseled broom; dear to me are all the turns and windings of her strange, eventful, romantic history, from Fingal and his heroes. . . . But immeasurably dearer is Scotland to me, for her noble army of martyrs and confessors, from Hamilton, from Wishart, from him of the lion heart and eagle eye, the fervent, the sagacious, the prophetic, the indomitable Knox, down through a long and illustrious succession of burning and shining lights, of whom the world was not worthy, to him, in many respects the brightest of them all, the champion of all righteousness and goodness and truth—that tongue of fire, that old man eloquent, the beneficent, the gracious, the incomparable Chalmers. To these men of God and their associates, to their sanctified wisdom, to their self-denying lives, to their wrestling prayers, Scotland is indebted for her marvellous prosperity, for her peerless and imperishable renown. In that far-off region of the earth from which I have come to visit you, [ have often experienced the agony of homesickness, a vehement craving for my native country. At times Nature has reasserted her former sway. Feeling has broken loose <n a tide of emotion that has quite overwhelmed one. Busy memory has recalled some fondly loved face or form, some dear friends or happy scenes, or perhaps some line or verse of a ballad has haunted me l^;ke a fairy.

'Oh, why left I my hame? why did I cross the deep?
Why left I the land where my forefathers sleep?
I sigh for Scotia's shore, and I gaze across the sea;
But I canna get a blink o' my ain countrie.'

But truth is stronger and better than sentiment, and the love of Christ is at once sweeter and more constraining than any tie or sympathy of nature. My choice is Australia; my deliberate choice is Australia. I will soon go back, never to return, with no wish to return, because I believe such is the will of the Lord. There He hath appointed me to labour for Him. J'here is the sphere of my ministry, the home of my children, and by and by in its soil this anxious body will find a quiet tomb. In that sunny land I expect and wish to spend the remainder of my days in serving the Lord, as He shall enable me, and as a fellow-worker with others in opening up and preparing the way for the coming of the great King, to take possession of His own, for the ends of the earth are His by the promise of the eternal covenant. ' Bind thy sword upon thy thigh, thou most mighty, with thy glory and thy majesty; and ride on, ride on prosperously, because of truth, and meekness, and righteousness.'"

In 1878, Dr. Cairns celebrated his jubilee. An address was presented to him, which speaks of him following in "the footsteps of several generations of honoured forefathers." He died suddenly three years later, on the morning of Sabbath the 30th January 1881. The week before, he preached from the words: "And Enoch walked with God, and he was not; for God took him." " Next Sabbath morning he was found 'asleep in Jesus,' with his left hand under his head, and an expression of perfect calmness on his countenance." He was in his eightieth year, and had served twenty-seven years in the Colonies.

The following memorial minute records the reverence in which he was held: "In the Courts of the Presbyterian Church he was an acknowledged leader, and to every important movement of the Church he contnbuted the powerful assistance of his enthusiasm and energy, being especially helpful in all questions affecting the purity of the Church's government, discipline, worship, or doctrine.

Having been appointed to the principalship of the Theological Hall, his large acquaintance with theology, his soundness of doctrine, and the kindly vehemence of his nature, made him an invaluable teacher of our students for the ministry.

"While taking a leading part in the affairs of the Presbyterian Church, he always showed a warm interest in the other evangelistic denominations, and in all public matters which involved the spiritual or moral good of the community, especially signalising himself as a champion of the Sabbath, and an unflinching advocate of scriptural truth.

He was a strong advocate of, and did much to bring about, the union of the Presbyterians in Victoria. Several works, it may be added, came from his pen — (i) Some Objections to U}iiversal Atonement stated\ and the C'urrcnt Objections to a Particular and Efficacious Atonement considered. Two Discourses. ' Cupar, 1844, 8vo. (2) The Second Woe. Edin., 1852. (3) On the Origin and Obligation of the Sabbath. (4) Account of Dunbog (New Stat. Acc., ix.), etc.

Not long before his death, Dr. Cairns revisited Longforgan. His love for the old home and the haunts of his childhood was keen. But the generation that knew him was away. Few who had gone up to the church to hear the young probationer in the twenties, were there to welcome the grand old man of Melbourne. They were sleeping in the churchyard side by side with his father.

15. Robert Skene Walker. Settled, 1822. —Mr. Walker began his ministry at Auchter-• gaven in 1808, whence he was translated to Kinclaven in 1812. On the death of Mr. Cairns, he was presented to Longforgan, where he was admitted on Sept. 5, 1822.

One thing that seems to have got an impulse during the earlier years of Mr. Walker's ministry was Sabbath schools. In 1827, an extraordinary collection was made for providing books, as rewards for the scholars attending the Sabbath evening schools in the parish. Of these there were three in the parish in 1838. It was the time, also, of quickened missionary interest. In .1824 a collection was made for missionary purposes, amounting to ^11, 9s. 1 id. Dr. Dickson of Edinburgh pled the cause of the Scottish Missionary Society in 1830; and ten years later, on his return from Palestine, Mr. M'Cheyne lectured on his mission.

£5, 14s. io^d. was collected for the Jewish work. But there was need for much effort, as the following anecdote will show. Meg Craw was somewhat of a character. She seldom, if ever, darkened the kirk door. Still, she rather encouraged her family to go. But Meg, who kept the purse, would scarcely ever give them anything for the collection. One day her daughters went to her, feeling sure that they had a claim which Meg could not refuse. "Mother," they said, "there's to be a special collection the day for the bringing in o' the Jews." Darting a wild glance at them, she exclaimed, " The Jews? I've heard o' thae craiters a' my days. If they winna come in, let them bide oot; never a bawbee will they get frae me." Crestfallen, the girls had just to go and blush to the ladle once more.

An entry dated May 22, 1831, may be given, which suggests changed thoughts towards the Church : " Mr. Ross, probationer, preached, our own Minister being distressed, and in the time of divine service an alarm was brought to the Church of a house being on fire in the Town, and the whole congregation left the Church, and came back again after the fire was extinguished."

The mention of M'Cheyne reminds us, that Mr. Walker's ministry began when the great Evangelical movement was advancing to its victory. Mr. Walker's friends belonged chiefly to the Evangelical party, and in the years preceding the Disruption, it is men like Hamilton of Abernyte, Grierson of Errol, Ewing of Dundee, who appear as his helpers. Longforgan shared, if to a small extent, the marvellous blessings that came to Dundee and the district in connection with the labours of William Burns and M'Cheyne. Burns had anxious souls in Longforgan, and M'Cheyne had those in the parish who loved to call him their father in Christ. The religious life of the village was greatly helped by the warmth of the Seceders in it. They were too few to have a regular minister, but there were a good many prayer meetings in private homes, and there was frequently a service on the Sabbath evenings in summer. It was a common thing for the student who preached in the forenoon to the Seceders in Haldane's tabernacle at Abernyte, to come on to Longforgan at night. One of the still-remembered students was the late Dr. Gardiner of Dean Street, Edinburgh. At other times, ordained ministers came. Mr. Gilfillan of Dundee came once a year, and Mr. Nicol of Pitrodie oftener. No public building, of course, could be got for these services. They were held in sheds and barns, and, frequently, in the open air. " The meetings were advertised by a written "notice tacked on trees at each end of the village. I hey were largely attended, and compared with the canny preaching common in most country places, the barn preachings were much enjoyed" (MSS. Account). All this helped, without a doubt, to cherish the deeper life of the people. Besides this, other things were working. Abernyte was one of the adjoining parishes. 1 here James Hamilton had been permitted to excice a widespread interest. Many persons, both in the.parish and beyond it, were, under his ministry, touched by the Spirit of God. The news of it spread, and helped to kindle interest elsewhere. And then, there were all the spiritual forces working, which culminated in the Disruption in 643.

During the Ten Years' Conflict, Mr. Walker, who was of a quiet and retiring nature, took no prominent part. He was frequently urged by the more vehement advocates of Non-Intrusion to pronounce himself. But he stood uncommitted to the last. All he would say was, "If the crisis come, I hope I will be enabled to stand true to my convictions." When the crisis came, and the Disruption of the Church took place, and when others who were much more pronounced than he stayed in, Mr. Walker went out.

Feeling was hot in Longforgan over the Church question, as it was everywhere. One of the lairds is credited with saying, " Had it not been for that wasp Candlish, the whole affair would have blown over." There were keen discussions, by the fireside, over . the Voluntary Question, and over the Non-Intrusion articles in the Dundee Warder, and the Witness, and The Secession Church Magazine. Sometimes there were larger meetings, addressed by ministers and laymen from Dundee. When the hour struck, a number of those who had pledged themselves, even in the Session, drew back. Only one of the elders went with Mr. Walker. His name was John Dickson. Mr. Henry Prain, who knew him well, describes him as a devout and simple-minded Christian. "He was faithful in the discharge of all his duties; if possible, more than faithful to his obligations as a Free Churchman and a Free Church elder. His attendance at church on Sabbath, at church meetings on week-day evenings, and at all prayer meetings, as well as his visitations to the sick, were systematic and regular. Other things might stand over, these never. Summer and winter, sunshine and storm, were alike unable to keep him back. Once only, in more than twenty years, and near the end of his days, did I know of him turning back. It was a day of storm. 1 he snow was drifting fiercely. He started for church and went so far, but for once he had to turn. One who saw him said, ' John Dicksoi s near Irs end now, for he has turned back from the church.' ... By his death the Free Church lost a pillar, the village a true Christian inhabitant."

Though only one elder went out, there was a goodly body of the people. There were few of the more wealthy among them. There were only two farmers, but there were some of the most active and pious of the people.

It was, originally, intended to build the new church at the east end of Longforgan village ; but, as a site could not be got there, it was erected at Mylnefield. It cost a little over ^400; but it ought to be said that the carting .was done free. A number of the farmers gave help, but the burden of this service was borne by the two farmers who had cast in their lot with the Free Church. To these two, Mr. Jackson of Longforgan, one of the most enthusiastic supporters of the Reform Bill of 1832, and Mr. Miller of Carmichaels, and to Mr. Alexander Moncur, a young manufacturer in Longforgan, who gave yeoman service in connection with the building and with the organisation of the congregation, the Free Church cause owes much.

During its erection, service was generally held in a meadow in the open air, behind the present church, and old worshippers still love to relate how, with but one or two exceptions, the Sabbaths were fine.

The church was opened early in 1844.

Mr. Walker's case was attended by not a little hardship. His position at Longforgan was a comfortable one, and he was not very strong. But he made little complaint. Once, when asked by a friend as they were passing the glebe, if he did not feel a good deal in leaving the old home and its interesting associations, all he said was, " Yes, I do; but I am much happier in my mind now, than I could have been had I remained in the. church."

For some years, as no site for a manse could be got, he had to stay in Dundee, and walk out, in storm or sunshine, to Invergowrie to preach. A site was got, at length, in this way. On one occasion, when Mr. Walker was preaching, a fire broke out in a neighbouring farm. He bade the men amongst his hearers go and help to put it out. . The farmer belonged to the Established Church, and Mr. Walker's action led to the granting of a site. .

It may, however, be added that Mr. Walker did not seem to be injured by the change. His strength seemed to renew itself, and his labours were more manifold than before.

Mr. Walker was twice married. He wrote the account of the parish for the New Statistical in 183S. He died in 1854, in the forty-sixth year of his ministry. A memorial tablet has been placed in the Free Church, of which he was the first minister.

Mr. Walker was succeeded in the ministry by the Rev. John Hunter, with whom the Rev. Adam Philip was associated as colleague in 1881. Dr. Ritchie was presented to the Established Church when Mr. Walker surrendered the charge. His death (July 3rd, 1895) removed one of the few remaining ministers in the Establishment who held charges previous to the Disruption. Dr. Ritchie attained the ripe age of ninety. He celebrated his jubilee seven years ago. The Rev. N. K. Mackenzie, appointed assistant and successor in 1885, is now sole minister. The incumbent in the Scottish Episcopal Church is the Rev. W. Simons.

We do not propose to follow the story further in detail. There were some regrettable things done at the Disruption, and there have been regrettable things since. But, notwithstanding, the work of God goes on. Souls have been saved and saints have been trained. Ministers of the gospel have gone from the parish, and the people of Longforgan are doing something, however humble, to recruit the honourable services of the country and the manifold activities of Christian work. The parish has been refreshed with the dew of heaven. We long for more. To the next chronicler of our Annals, we hope it may be permitted to tell of greater " times of refreshing," of more missionary zeal, and also of the reunion of the Presb)^rterian community in Longforgan and in Scotland.