1721, Jan 4
James Dougal, writing
the news of Edinburgh to his friend Wodrow at East Wood, has a sad
catalogue to detail. ‘There was four pirates hanged at Leith this
day……very hardened. They were a melancholy sight, and there is three to be
hanged next Wednesday. Nicol Musbet is to be hanged on Friday . . . . for
murdering his wife: he appears to be more concerned than he was before.
Ane woman brought from Leith is to die the first Wednesday of February for
putting down (destroying) a child. Another man is laid up in prison, that
is thought to have murdered his wife. The things failing out now are very
humbling.’
He goes on to tell that
several persons ‘in trouble of mind’ are frequently prayed for in
Edinburgh churches. ‘But they do not name them but after such a manner—A
man there is in such trouble (or a woman), and desires the congregation to
praise God with them for signal deliverance that the Lord hath given them
from great troubles that they have been in.’
The end of the letter is
terrible : ‘There is some of the Lord’s people that lives here, that are
feared for melancholy days, iniquity doth so abound, and profanity; and if
there were not a goodly remnant in this town, it would sink.’
Jan 30
A sperm whale, ‘the richest that has ever been seen in this country,’ was
advertised in the Courant as having come ashore in the Firth of Forth near
Culross, and to be sold by public roup.
At the end of June 1730,
three wounded whales ran ashore at Kilrenny in Fife, on the property of Mr
Bethune of Balfour. The produce, consisting of a hundred and forty-six
barrels of speck, or blubber, and twenty-three barrels of spermaceti
speck, was afterwards advertised for sale.
Oct
With regard to several of the forfeited estates which lay in inaccessible
situations in the Highlands, the Commissioners had been up to this time
entirely baffled, having never been able even to get surveys of them
effected. In this predicament in a special manner lay the immense
territory of the Earl of Seaforth, extending from Brahan Castle in Easter
Ross across the island to Kintail, and including the large though
unfertile island of Lewis. The districts of Lochalsh and Kintail, on the
west coast, the scene of the Spanish invasion of 1719, were peculiarly
difficult of access, there being no approach from the south, east, or
north, except by narrow and difficult paths, while the western access was
only assailable to a naval force. To appearance, this tract of ground, the
scat of many comparatively opulent ‘tacksmen’ and cattle-farmers, was as
much beyond the control of the six Commissioners assembled at their office
in Edinburgh, as if it had been amongst the mountains of Tibet or upon the
shores of Madagascar.
During several years after
the insurrection, the rents of this district were collected, without the
slightest difficulty, for the benefit of the exiled earl, and regularly
transmitted to him. At one time, a considerable sum was sent to him in
Spain, and the descendants of the man who carried it continued for
generations to bear ‘the Spanyard’ as an addition to their name.’ The
chief agent in the business was Donald Murchison, descendant of a line of
faithful adherents of the ‘high chief of Kintail’—the first of whom, named
Murcho, had come from Ireland with Colin the son of Kenneth, the founder
of the clan Mackenzie in the thirteenth century. The later generations of
the family had been intrusted in succession with the keeping of Ellan
Donan Castle, a stronghold dear to the modern artist as a picturesque
ruin, but formerly of serious importance as commanding a central point
from which radiate Loch Alsh and Loch Duich, in the midst of the best part
of the Mackenzie country. Donald was a man worthy of a more prominent
place in his country’s annals than he has yet attained; he acted under a
sense of right which, though unfortunately defiant of acts of parliament,
was still a very pure sense of right; and in the remarkable actions which
he performed, he looked solely to the good of those towards whom he had a
feeling of duty. A more disinterested hero—and he was one—never lived.
When Lord Seaforth brought
his clan to fight for King James in 1715, Donald Murchison and a senior
brother, John, went as field-officers of the regiment—Donald as
lieutenant-colonel, and John as major. Sir Roderick I. Murchison, the
distinguished geologist, great-grandson of John, possesses a large ivory
and silver ‘mill,’ which once contained the commission sent from France to
Donald, as colonel, bearing the inscription : ‘JAMES REX: FORWARD AND
SPARE NOT.’ John fell at Sheriffmuir, in the prime of life; Donald,
returning with the remains of the clan, was intrusted by the banished earl
with the management of estates no longer legally his, but still virtually
so, through the effect of Highland feelings in connection with very
peculiar local circumstances. And for this task Donald was in various
respects well qualified, for, strange to say, the son of the castellan of
Ellan Donan—the Sheriffmuir colonel—had been ‘bred a writer’ in Edinburgh,
and was as expert at the business of a factor or estate-agent as in
wielding the claymore.’
In bold and avowed
insubordination to the government of George the First, the Mackenzie
tenants continued for ten years to pay their rents to Donald Murchison, on
account of their forfeited and exiled lord, setting at nought all fear of
ever being compelled to repeat the payment to the commissioners.
In 1720, these gentlemen made
a movement for asserting their claims upon the property. In William Ross
of Easterfearn, and Robert Ross, a bailie of Tain, they found two men bold
enough to undertake the duty of stewardship in their behalf over the
Seaforth property, and also the estates of Grant of Glenmorriston and
Chisholm of Strathglass. Little, however, was done that year beyond
sending out notices to the tenants, and preparing for strenuous measures
to be entered upon next year. The stir they made only produced excitement,
not dismay. Some of the duine-wassels from about Loch Carron, coming down
with their cattle to the south-country fairs, were heard to declare that
the two factors would never get anything but leaden coin from the Seaforth
tenantry. Donald was going over the whole country, shewing a letter he had
got from the earl, encouraging his people to stand out; at the same time
telling them that the old countess was about to come north with a factory
for the estate, when she would allow as paid any rents which they might
now hand to him. The very first use to be made of this money was, indeed,
to bring both the old and the young countesses home immediately to Brahan
Castle, where they would live as they used to do. Part of the funds thus
acquired, he used in keeping on foot a party of about sixty armed
Highlanders, whom, in virtue of his commission as colonel, he proposed to
employ in resisting any troops of George the First which might be sent to
Kintail. Nor did he wait to be attacked, but, in June 1720, hearing of a
party of excisemen passing near Dingwall with a large quantity of
aquavita, he fell upon them, and rescued their prize. The collector of the
district reported this transaction to the Board of Excise; but no notice
was taken of it.
In February 1721, the two
factors sent officers of their own into the western districts, to assure
the tenants of good usage, if they would make a peaceable submission; but
the men were seized, robbed of their papers, money, and arms, and quietly
remanded over the Firth of Attadale, though only after giving solemn
assurance that they would never attempt to renew their mission. Resenting
this procedure, the two factors caused a constable to take a military
party from Bernera barracks into Lochalsh, and, if possible, capture those
who had been guilty. They made a stealthy night-march, and took two men;
but the alarm was given, the two men escaped, and began to fire down upon
their captors from a hill-side; then they set fire to the bothy as a
signal, and such a coronach went over all Kintail and Lochalsh, as made
the soldiers glad to beat a quick retreat.
After some further
proceedings, all of them ineffectual, the two factors were enabled, on the
13th of September, to set forth from Inverness with a party of thirty
soldiers and some armed servants of their own, with the design of
enforcing submission to their legal claims. Let it be remembered there
were then no roads in the Highlands, nothing but a few horse-tracks along
the principal lines in the country, where not the slightest effort had
ever been made to smooth away the natural difficulties of the ground. In
two days, the factors had got to Invermorriston; but here they were
stopped for three days, waiting for their heavy baggage, which was
storm-stayed in Castle Urquhart, and there nearly taken in a night-attack
by a partisan warrior bearing the name of Evan Roy Macgillivray. The
tenantry of Glenmorriston at first fled with their bestial; but
afterwards a number of them came in and made at least the appearance of
submission. The party then moved on towards Strathglass, while Evan Roy
respectfully followed, to pick up any man or piece of baggage that might
be left behind. At Erchless Castle, and at Invercannich, seats of the
Chisholm, they held courts, and received the submission of a number of
the tenants, whom, however, they subsequently found to be ‘very
deceitful.’
There were now forty or fifty
miles of the wildest Highland country before them, where they had reason
to believe they should meet groups of murderous Cam erons and Glengarry
Macdonalds, and also encounter the redoubted Donald Murchison, with his
guard of Macken zies, unless their military force should be of an amount
to render all such opposition hopeless. An appointment having been made
that they should receive an addition of fifty soldiers from Bernera, with
whom to pass through the most difficult part of their journey, it seemed
likely that they would appear too strong for resistance; and, indeed,
intelligence was already coming to them, that ‘the people of Kintail,
being a judicious opulent people, would not expose themselves to the
punishments of law,’ and that the Camerons were absolutely determined to
give no further provocation to the government. Thus assured, they set out
in cheerful mood along the valley of Strathglass, and, soon after passing
a place called Knockfin, were reinforced by Lieutenant Brymer, with the
expected fifty men from Bernera. There must have now been about a hundred
well armed men in the invasive body. They spent the next day (Sunday)
together in rest, to gather strength for the ensuing day’s march of about
thirty arduous miles, by which they hoped to reach Kintail.
At four in the morning of
Monday the 2d October, the party set forward, the Bernera men first, and
the factors in the rear. They were as yet far from the height of the
country, and from its more difficult passes; but they soon found that all
the flattering tales of non-resistance were groundless, and that the
Kintail men had come a good way out from their country in order to defend
it. The truth was, that Donald Murchison had assembled not only his stated
band of Mackenzies, but a levy of the Lewis men under Seaforth’s cousin,
Mackenzie of Kildun; also an auxiliary corps of Camerons, Glengarry and
Glenmorriston men, and some of those very Strathglass men who had been
making appearances of submission. Altogether, he had, if the factors were
rightly informed, three hundred and fifty men with long Spanish firelocks,
under his command, and all posted in the way most likely to give them an
advantage over the invading force.
The rear-guard, with the
factors, had scarcely gone a mile, when they received a platoon of seven
shots from a rising ground near them to the right, with, however, only the
effect of piercing a soldier’s bat. The Bernera company, as we are
informed, left the party at eight o’clock, as they were passing
Lochanachlee, and from this time is heard of no more: how it made its way
out of the country does not appear. The remainder still advancing,
Easterfearn, as he rode a little before his men, had eight shots levelled
at him from a rude breastwork near by, and was wounded in two places, but
was able to appear as if he had not been touched. Then calling out some
Highlanders in his service, he desired them to go before the soldiers, and
do their best, according to their own mode of warfare, to clear the ground
of such lurking parties, so that the troops might advance in safety. They
performed this service pretty effectually, skirmishing as they went on,
and the main body advanced safely about six miles. They were here arrived
at a place called Aa-na-Mullich (Ford of the Mull People), where the
waters, descending from the Cralich and the lofty mountains of Kintail,
issue eastwards through a narrow gorge into Loch Affaric. It was a place
remarkably well adapted for the purposes of a resisting party. A rocky
boss, called Tor-an-Beatich, then densely covered with birch, closes up
the glen as with a gate. The black mountain stream, ‘spear-deep,’ sweeps
round it. A narrow path wound up the rock, admitting only of passengers in
single file. Here lay Donald with the best of his people, while inferior
adherents were ready to make demonstrations at a little distance. As the
invasive party approached, they received a platoon from a wood on the
left, but nevertheless went on. When, however, they were all engaged in
toiling up the pass, forty men concealed in the heather close by fired
with deadly effect, inflicting a mortal wound on Walter Ross,
Easterfearn’s son, while Bailie Ross’s son was also hurt by a bullet which
swept across his breast. The bailie called to his son to retire, and the
order was obeyed; but the two wounded youths and Bailie Ross’s servant
were taken prisoners, and carried up the hill, where they were quickly
divested of clothes, arms, money, and papers. Young Easterfearn died next
morning. The troops faced the ambuscade manfully, and are said to have
given their fire thrice, and to have beat the Highlanders from the bushes
near by; but, observing at this juncture several parties of the enemy on
the neighbouring heights, and being informed of a party of sixty in their
rear, Easterfearn deemed it best to temporise.
He sent forward a messenger
to ask who they were that opposed the king’s troops, and what they wanted.
The answer was that, in the first place, they required to have Ross of
Easterfearn delivered up to them. This was pointedly refused; but it was
at length arranged that Easterfearn should go forward, and converse with
the leader of the opposing party. The meeting took place at
Bal-aa-na-Mullich (the Town of the Mull Men’s Ford), and Easterfearn found
himself confronted with Donald Murchison.
It ended with Easterfearn
giving up his papers, and covenanting, under a penalty of five hundred
pounds, not to officiate in his factory any more; after which he gladly
departed homewards with his associates, under favour of a guard of
Donald’s men, to conduct them safely past the sixty men lurking in the
rear. It was alleged afterwards that the commander was much blamed by his
own people for letting the factors off with their lives and baggage,
particularly by the Camerons, who had been five days at their post with
hardly anything to eat; and Murchison only pacified them by sending them a
good supply of meat and drink. He had in reality given a very effectual
check to the two gentlemen-factors, to one of whom he imparted in
conversation that any scheme of a government stewardship in Kintail was
hopeless, for he and sixteen others had sworn that, if any person calling
himself a factor came there, they would take his life, whether at kirk or
at market, and deem it a meritorious action, though they should be cut to
pieces for it next minute.
A bloody grave for young
Easterfearn in Beauly Cathedral concluded this abortive attempt to take
the Seaforth estates within the scope of a law sanctioned by statesmen,
but against which the natural feelings of nearly a whole people revolted.
1721, Dec
A newspaper advertisement informed the world that ‘There is a certain
gentleman living at Glasgow, who has put forth a problem to the
learned—proposing, if no man answer it, to do it himself in a few
weeks—viz., Whether or not it is possible so to dispose a ship, either
great or small, that, although she, or it, be rent in the bottom, and
filled full of water, or however tossed with tempest, she, or it, shall
never sink below the water; and also that the same may be reduced to
practice.’’
1722, Apr 27
An election of a member of parliament for a Highland county was apt to
bring forth somewhat strenuous sentiments, and the scene sometimes partook
a good deal of the nature of a local civil war.
A representative of Ross-shire being to be
chosen, there came, the night before, to Fortrose, the greatest man of the
north, the Earl of Sutherland, heading a large body of armed and mounted
retainers, who made a procession round the streets, while an English
sloop-of-war, in friendly alliance with him, came up to the town and fired
its guns. Hundreds of Highlanders, his lordship’s retainers, at the same
time lounged about. The reason of all this was, that the opposition
interest was in a decided majority, and a defeat to the Whig candidate
seemed impending. When the election came on, there were thirty-one barons
present, of whom eighteen gave their votes for General Charles Ross of
Balnagowan, the remainder being for Captain Alexander Urquhart of
Newhall. Hereupon, Lord Sutherland’s relative and friend, Sir William
Gordon of Invergordon, sheriff of the county, retired with the minority,
and went through the form of electing their own man, notwithstanding a
protest from the other candidate. ‘Immediately after this separation,
Colin Graham of Drynie, one of the deputy-lieutenants of the county, came
into the courthouse, with his sword in his hand, accompanied by Robert
Gordon of Haughs and Major John Mackintosh, with some of the armed
Highlanders whom they had posted at the door, with drawn swords and cocked
firelocks, and did require the majority (who remained to finish the
election), in the name of the Earl of Sutherland, to remove out of the
house, otherwise they must expect worse treatment. Major Mackintosh said
they would be dragged out by the heels. Upon which the barons protested
against those violent proceedings, declaring their resolution to remain in
the court-house till the election was finished, though at the hazard of
their lives; which they accordingly did.’
Apr 29
The Catholics had of late been getting up their heads in the north,
especially in districts over which the Gordon family held sway; and the
open practice of the Romish rites before large congregations in the
Banffshire valleys, was become a standing subject of complaint and alarm
in the church-courts. When at length the government obtained scent of the
Jacobite plot in which Bishop Atterbury was concerned, it sympathised with
these groans of the laden spirits in Scotland, and permitted some decided
measures of repression to be taken.
Accordingly, this day, being Sunday, as
the Duchess-Dowager of Gordon—Elizabeth Howard, daughter of the Duke of
Norfolk— was having mass performed at her house in the Canongate,
Edinburgh, in the presence of about fifty professors like herself of the
Catholic religion, Bailie Hawthorn, a magistrate of the Canongate, broke
open the doors, and seized the whole party. The ladies were bailed, and
allowed to depart; but the priest, Mr John Wallace, was marched to prison.
We are informed by Wodrow that Wallace had been ordained a Protestant
minister thirty-five years before. The Lord Advocate would not
at first listen to any proposal for his liberation, though several persons
of distinction came to plead for it; but at length bail was taken for him
to the extent of a thousand merks Scots. Being indicted under the statute
of 1700, he failed to stand his trial, and was outlawed.
Before the upbreak of this plot,
considerable numbers of gentlemen under attainder daily presented
themselves on the streets of Edinburgh, emboldened of course by the
mildness of the government; but, one or two of them having been seized
and put up in the Castle, it came to pass, 15th May, that not one was any
longer to be seen. Mr Wodrow, who records these circumstances, expresses
the feeling of the hour. ‘It ‘s certain we are in a most divided and
defenceless state; divisions on the one hand, rancour and malice on the
other, and a wretched indolence among too many. But the Lord liveth!’
Aug 8
The Canongate, which had so often, in the
sixteenth century, been reddened with the best blood in Scotland, was
still occasionally the scene of wild transactions, though arising amongst
a different class of persons and from different causes. A. local
journalist chronicles a dreadful tragedy as occurring on its pave
at this date.
‘In the afternoon, Captain Chiesley and
Lieutenant Moodie, both of Cholmly’s Regiment, which lies encamped at
Bruntsfield Links, having quarrelled some time before in the camp, meeting
on the street of the Canongate, the captain, as we are told, asked Mr
Moodie whether he had in a certain company called him a coward? And he
owning he had, the captain beat him first with his fist, and then with a
cane; whereupon Mr Moodie drew his sword, and, shortening it, run the
captain into the great artery. The captain, having his sword drawn at the
same time, pushed at Mr Moodie, who was rushing on him with his sword
shortened, and thus run him into the lower belly, of which in a few
minutes he died, without speaking one word, having had no more strength or
life left him than to cross the street, and reach the foot of the stair of
his lodgings, where he dropped down dead. The captain lived only to step
into a house near by, and to pray shortly that God might have mercy on his
soul, without speaking a word more. ‘Tis said Mr Moodie’s lady was looking
over the window all the while this bloody tragedy was acting.’
A duel which happened about the same time
between Captains Marriot and Scroggs proved fatal to both.
Aug 7
‘Four of those poor deluded people called Quakers, two men and two women,
came about noon to the Cross (of Edinburgh), when one of the women, who by
her accent seemed to be of Yorkshire, after several violent agitations,
said, that she was appointed by God to preach repentance to this sinful
city; that a voice of mortality, as she called it, had sounded in her
ears, and that desolation and all kinds of miseries would befall the
inhabitants if they did not repent. After she had spoke about a quarter of
an hour, a party of the city-guard carried her and the other three
prisoners to the main guard.’
Some years after, one Thomas
Erskine, a brewer, made himself conspicuous as a Quaker preacher in
Edinburgh. One Saturday, January 17, 1736, he ‘made a religious
peregrination through this city. He made his first station at the Bow-head
[reputed as the head-quarters of
the saints in Edinburgh], where he pronounced woes and judgments on the
inhabitants of the Good Town, if they did not speedily repent Thence he
walked to the Cross, where he recapitulated what he had evangelised by the
way, and concluded with desiring his auditory to remember well what be had
told them. However, he gave them forty days to think on’t.’
One day, in the ensuing July, Erskine sent
a notice to the quiet little country town of Musselburgh, to the effect
that the Spirit had appointed him to hold forth to them in the
marketplace at five in the afternoon; and, accordingly, at the appointed
hour, he mounted the Cross, and discoursed to a large audience.’
Aug 29
A second attempt was now made to obtain possession of the forfeited
Seaforth estates for the government. It was calculated that what the two
factors and their attendants, with a small military force, had failed to
accomplish in the preceding October, when they were beat back with a fatal
loss at Aa-na-Mullich, might now be effected by means of a good
military party alone, if they should make their approach through a less
critical passage. A hundred and sixty of Colonel Kirk’s regiment left
Inverness under Captain M’Neil, who had at one time been commander of the
Highland Watch. They proceeded by Dingwall, Strath Garve, and Loch Carron,
a route to the north of that adopted by the factors, and an easier, though
a longer way. Donald Murchison, nothing daunted, got together his
followers, and advanced to the top of Maam Attadale, a high pass from Loch
Carron to the head of Loch Long, separating Lochalsh from Kintail. Here a
gallant relative named Kenneth Murchison, and a few others, volunteered to
go forward and plant themselves in ambush in the defiles of the Choille
Van, while the bulk of the party should remain where they were. It would
appear that this ambush party consisted of thirteen men, all peculiarly
well armed.
On approaching this dangerous place, the
captain went forward with a sergeant and eighteen men to clear the wood,
while the main body came on slowly in the rear. At a place called
Altanbadn, in the Choille Van, he encountered Kenneth and his associates,
whose fire wounded himself severely, killed one of his grenadiers, and
wounded several others of the party. He persisted in advancing and
attacked the handful of natives with sufficient resolution. They slowly
withdrew, as unable to resist; but the captain now obtained intelligence
that a large body of Mackenzies was posted in the mountain-pass of
Attadale. It seemed as if there was a design to draw him into a fatal
ambuscade. His own wounded condition probably warned him that a better
opportunity might occur afterwards. He turned his forces about, and made
the best of his way back to Inverness. Kenneth Mnrchison quickly rejoined
Colonel Donald on Maam Attadale, with the cheering intelligence that one
salvo of thirteen guns had repelled the hundred and sixty sidier roy.’
After this, we hear of no renewed attempt to comprise the Seaforth
property.
Strange as it may seem, Donald Murchison,
two years after this a second time resisting the government troops, came
down to Edinburgh with eight hundred pounds of the earl’s rents, that he
might get the money sent abroad for his lordship’s use. He remained a
fortnight in the city unmolested. He would on this occasion appear in the
garb of a Lowland gentleman; be would mingle with old acquaintances,
‘doers’ and writers; and appear at the Cross amongst the crowd of
gentlemen who assembled there every day at noon. Scores would know all
about his doings at Aa-na-Mullich and the Choille Van; but thousands
might have known, without the chance of one of them betraying him to
government.
General Wade, writing a report to the king
in 1725, states that the Seaforth tenants, formerly reputed the richest of
any in the Highlands, are now become poor, by neglecting their business,
and applying themselves to the use of arms. ‘The rents,’ he says,
‘continue to be collected by one Donald Murchison, a servant of the late
earl’s, who annually remits or carries the same to his master into France.
The tenants, when in a condition, are said to have sent him free gifts in
proportion to their several circumstances, but are now a year and a half
in arrear of rent. The receipts he gives to the tenants are as
deputy-factor to the Commissioners of the Forfeited Estates, which
pretended power he extorted from the factor (appointed by the said
commissioners to collect those rents for the use of the public), whom he
attacked with above four hundred armed men, as he was going to enter upon
the said estate, having with him a party of thirty of your majesty’s
troops. The last year this Murchison marched in a public manner to
Edinburgh, to remit eight hundred pounds to France for his master’s use,
and remained fourteen days there unmolested. I cannot omit observing to
your majesty, that this national tenderness the subjects of North Britain
have one for the other, is a great encouragement for rebels and attainted
persons to return home from their banishment.’’
Donald was again in Edinburgh about the
end of August 1725. On the 2d of September, George Lockhart of Carnwath,
writing from Edinburgh to the Chevalier St George, states, amongst other
matters of information regarding his party in Scotland, that Daniel
Murchison (as he calls him) ‘is come to Edinburgh, on his way to France
‘—doubtless charged with a sum of rents for Seaforth. ‘He‘s been in quest
of me, and I of him,’ says Lockhart, ‘these two days, and missed each
other; but in a day or two he‘s to be at my country-house, where I‘ll get
time to talk fully with him. In the meantime, I know from one that saw
him, that he has taken up and secured all the arms of value in Seaforth’s
estate, which he thought better than to trust them to the care and
prudence of the several owners; and the other chieftains, I hear, have
done the same.’
The Commissioners on the Forfeited Estates
conclude their final report in 1725 by stating that they had not sold the
estate of William Earl of Seaforth, ‘not having been able to obtain
possession, and consequently to give the same to a purchaser.’
In a Whig poem on the Highland Roads,
written in 1737, Donald is characteristically spoken of as a sort of
cateran, while, in reality, as every generous person can now well
understand, he was a high-minded gentleman. The verses, nevertheless, as
well as the appended note, are curious:
‘Keppoch, Rob Roy, and Daniel Murchisan,
Cadets or servants to some chief of clan,
From theft and robberies scarce did ever cease,
Yet ‘scaped the halter each, and died in peace.
This last his exiled master’s rents collected,
Nor unto king or law would be
subjected.
Though veteran troops upon the confines lay,
Sufficient to make lord and tribe a prey,
Yet passes strong through which no roads were cut,
Safe-guarded Seaforth’s clan, each in his hut.
Thus in strongholds the rogue securely lay,
Neither could they by force be driven away,
Till his attainted lord and chief of late
By ways and means repurchased his estate.’
‘Donald Murchison, a kinsman and servant
to the Earl of Seaforth, bred a
writer, a man of small stature, but full of spirit and resolution, fought
at Dunblane against the government
anno
1715,
but continued thereafter to
collect Seaforth’s reuts for his lord’s
use, and had some pickerings with the king’s forces on that account, till,
about five years ago, the government was so tender as to allow Seaforth to
re-purchase his estate, when the said Murchison had a principal hand in
striking the bargain for his master. How he fell under Seaforth’s
displeasure, and died thereafter, is
not to the
purpose here to mention.’
The end of Donald’s career can scarcely now
be passed over
in this slighting manner. The story is most
painful. The Seaforth
of that day—very unlike some of his
successors—was unworthy of
the devotion which this heroic man had
shewn to him. When his lordship
took possession of the estates which
Donald had in a manner preserved
for him, he discountenanced and neglected him. Murchison’s noble spirit
pined away under this treatment, and he died in the very prime of his days
of a broken heart.’ He lies in a remote little church-yard on Cononside,
in the parish of Urray, where, I am happy to say, his worthy relative, Sir
Roderick I. Murchison, is at this time preparing to raise a suitable
monument over his grave.
When Dr Johnson and James Boswell, in
their journey to the Hebrides, 1773, came to the inn at Glenelg, they
found the most wretched accommodation, and would have been without any
comfort whatever, had not Mr
Murchison, factor to Macleod in Glenelg,
sent them a bottle of rum and some sugar, ‘with a polite
message,’ says Boswell, ‘to acquaint us,
that he was very sorry he did not
hear of us till we had passed his house, otherwise he should have insisted
on our sleeping there that night.’ ‘Such extraordinary attention,’ he
adds, ‘from this gentleman to entire strangers, deserves the most
hononrable commemoration.’ This gentleman, to whom Johnson also alludes
with grateful admiration of his courtesy in the Journey to the Westerm
Islands, was a near relative of Donald Murchison.
Sep 1
A high wind shook the crops of Lothian, particularly damaging the pease.
It was considered ‘a heavy stroke,’ as the people there-abouts lived much
on pease-meal. Apropos to this fact, Wodrow speaks of an individual
who had much ploughing to execute, and ‘who found it advantageous to feed
his horses on pease-bannocks: ‘he finds it a third cheaper (than corn),
and his horses fatter and better.’ It is curious that this farmer,
‘abnormis sapiens,’ came to the same point which Baron Liebig has
attained in our age, by scientific investigation, as to the nutritive
qualities of pease.
The extensive coal-field of East Lothian
gave occasion for several efforts in the mechanical arts, which might be
regarded as early and before their time, when the general condition of the
country is considered. Some years before the Revolution, the Earl of
Winton had drained his coal-pits in Tranent parish, by tunnels cut for a
long way through solid rock, on such a scale as to attract the attention
of George Sinclair, professor of natural philosophy in Glasgow, who, in
the preface to his
extraordinary work, Satan’s Invisible World Discovered, speaks of
them as something paralleling the cutting of the Alps by Hannibal. Such a
mode of taking off the water from a coal-mine, where the form of the
ground admitted it, was certainly of great use in days when as yet there
were no steam-engines to make the driving of pumps easy.
The forfeited estate of the Earl of Winton
having been bought in 1719 by the York Buildings Company, a new and
equally surprising addition was at this time made to the economy of the
coal-works, in the form of a wooden railway, between one and two miles
long, connecting the pits with the salt-works at Prestonpans and the
harbour at Port-Seton. A work so ingenious, so useful, and foreshewing the
iron ways by which, in our age, the industrial prospects of the world have
been so much advanced, comes into strong relief when beheld in connection
with the many barbarisms amidst which it took its rise. But the oddity of
its associations does not end here, for, when a Highland army came down to
the Lowlands twenty-three years afterwards, seeking with primitive arms to
restore the House of Stuart, the first of its battles was fought on the
ground crossed by this railway, and General Cope’s cannon were actually
fired against the clouded Camerons’ from a position on the railway itself!
1723, Jan
There was published in Edinburgh a poem, entitled the Mock Senator—
pretended to be translated from an Arabian manuscript, wherein, under
feigned and disguised names, the author seems to lash some persons in the
present administration. The magistrates—whom we have seen exercising a
pretty sharp censorship over the newspaper press— committed to prison Mr
Alexander Pennecuik, the supposed author of this poem, and discharged the
hawkers to sell or disperse the same.”
Mar
At this time, two criminalities of the highest class occurred amongst
persons of rank in Scotland.
On the 30th of March, Mrs Elizabeth
Murray, ‘lady to Thomas Kincaid, younger, of Gogar-Mains,’ was found dead
on the road from Edinburgh to that place, with all the appearance of
having been barbarously murdered. It was at once, with good reason,
concluded that the horrible act had been perpetrated by her own husband.
He succeeded in escaping to Holland.
Pennecuik, the burgess-poet, has a poem on
the murder of Mrs Kincaid by her husband, from which it would appear that
she had been an amiable and long-suffering woman, and he a coarse and
dissolute man. He adds a note at the end, ‘Ensign Hugh Skene engaged in
the plot.’’
Only three weeks later (April 22), Sir
James Campbell of Lawers was foully murdered at Greenock by his apparent
friend, Duncan Campbell of Edramurkle. The facts are thus related in a
contemporary letter. Lawers had been in a treaty of marriage with
[Campbell of] Finab’s daughter, which Edramuckle was very active to get
accomplished, out of a seeming friendship for Lawers. After the marriage
articles were agreed upon, they went together to make a visit to the young
lady, and, in return, came to Greenock on Friday the 19th last [April],
where they remained Saturday and Sunday—Edramurkle all the while shewing
the greatest friendship for Lawers, and Lawers confiding in him as his
own
brother. Upon the Saturday, pretending to
Lawers that he had use for a
pistol, he got money from him to buy one,
which accordingly he did, with ball and powder. The use he made of this
artillery was to discharge two balls into Lawers’s head, while he was fast
asleep, betwixt three and four on Monday’s morning; and which balls were
levelled under his left eye, and went through his head, sloping to the
back-bone of his neck
. . . .
he was
found in a sleeping posture,
and had not moved cither eye or hand.
‘The fellow went immediately off in a boat
for Glasgow, and from thence came here (Edinburgh), the people in the
house having no suspicion but that Lawers was asleep, till about eleven
o’clock, when they found him as above, swimming in his blood. Upon
recollection on several passages which happened with respect to Duncan
Campbell, they presently found him to have been the murderer, and caused
the magistrates of Greenock write to the magistrates of Glasgow to
apprehend him; but he being gone for Edinburgh, the provost wrote in to
our provost here, whereupon there was a search here
. . .
but the villain is not as yet found.
‘The occasion of this execrable murder is
said by the murderer’s friends to be to prevent Lawers going back in the
marriage, whereof he was then apprehensive; and being a relation of the
bride’s, and very active in bringing on that courtship, the devil tempted
him to that unparalleled cruelty. But we rather believe that it was to
rifle his pockets, for his breeches were from under his head, and nothing
but a Carolus and four shillings in them; whereas it is most certain that
Lawers always carried a purse of gold with him, and more especially could
not but have it when he intended to celebrate his marriage.’’
Campbell was extensively advertised for as
‘a tall thin man, loot-shouldered, pock-pitted, with a pearl or blindness
in the right eye,’ dressed in ‘a suit of gray Dnroy clothes,
plain-mounted, a big red coat, and a thin light wig, rolled up with a
ribbon;’ ‘betwixt 30 and 40 years of age;’ and a hundred
guineas were offered for his apprehension; but we do not hear of his
having ever been brought to justice.
Sir Alexander Murray of Stanhope, Peeblesshire, was one of those men who,
possessed of some talent and insight, are so little under the government
of common prudence and good temper, that they prove rather a trouble than
a benefit to their fellow-creatures. In youth, during the life of his
father, he married a beautiful and accomplished woman, Grizol Baillie,
grand-daughter by her father of the patriot Robert Baillie of Jerviswood,
unjustly put to death in 1684, and by her mother of the eminent statesman
Patrick Hume, Earl of Marchmont; but after four years of unhappy life, the
lady had been separated from him in 1714, after which time she lived for a
long series of years in her father’s family, in the enjoyment of universal
esteem and respect. Sir Alexander was led by his ardent speculative mind
into a series of projects which left him in the middle of life a broken
man, and an object of pity to the public. His case is the more deplorable,
that many of his ideas were founded upon a just conception of the wants
and the capabilities of his country, and only required means and
favourable circumstances to have been carried out to his own and the
general advantage.
At this date, he bought a great peninsula
of Argyleshire territory, named Ardnamurchan, which he desired, by mining
and improved methods of agriculture and social economy, to make a model
for the redemption of the entire kingdom from barbarism, sloth, and
poverty. He believed the mountains throughout much of the West Highlands
and Hebrides to be crossed by mineral veins of great value, and that it
was possible from these to realise a great amount of wealth. As to
improvement of the surface, it was his belief—contrary to the general
impression—that the best plan was to commence a course of improvement upon
the tops of the hills. He had observed traces of ancient tillage on the
high grounds of Peeblesshire, and, pondering on the matter, had come to
see that, the high grounds being naturally most liable to humidity, from
the clouds settling upon them, it was of importance to the low grounds
that the higher should be drained first. This being effected, and the
surplus water led along the hillsides in trenches or canals, he would have
the administration of moisture over the surface in a great measure in his
own hands. What the Argyleshire and Inverness chiefs thought of such a
plan amidst their semi-diluvial existence, we do not learn, but we may
imagine something of it.
Sir Alexander tells us that
he found his barony of twenty-four Scots miles long occupied by 1352
persons, among whom there was not one devoted to any mechanic art or
trade. He tells us that, in one year, he drained a large tract of hilly
and boggy ground, one-fourth part of which next year yielded him a hundred
and fifty pounds’ worth of hay at fourpence per stone. He also commenced
mining works, in connection with which there rose a village named New
York, containing about 500 persons, many of whom were skilled English
workmen. These mines, however, he afterwards leased to the York Buildings
Company. He was the first person
who introduced any kind of trade into the district, and he assures us
that, in his efforts at general improvement he spent large sums of his own
patrimony. Yet, while benefiting the inhabitants in this way, he was the
subject of jealousy amongst the better class of people, who regarded him
as an alien, a Lowlander, and a spy upon their actions. His cattle were
ham-strung or stolen, and his sheep forced over precipices. The buildings
on his property were set on fire. There were even plans formed to murder
him, from which it was a wonder that he escaped. Strange to say, ten years
of such difficulties did not suffice to disgust him with Arduamurchan, and
he is found, first in 1732, and again in 1740, appealing to Walpole and to
parliament for assistance to carry out his plans, all that he required
being an abolition of the heritable jurisdictions which enslaved the lower
classes to their landlords, and a flotilla of gun-boats to maintain law
and order in the conutry.
An Edinburgh newspaper notices the death,
on the 18th of May 1743, of Sir Alexander Murray of Stanhope, baronet, ‘to
whom may be justly applied that beautiful passage from Seneca: “Ecce
spectaculnm dignum, ad quod respiciat Deus! ecce par Deo dignum, vir
fortis eum malâ fortuna compositus!” The writer of the article on
Ardnamurchan in the New Statistical Account of Scotland, states
that the plough has long passed over the site of New York, and that no
trace of it remains in the district, excepting in a few English names
scattered among the native population.
It may be remarked as to Sir Alexander’s
mining schemes in Ardnamurchan, that in a portion of the district—namely,
the valley of Strontian—lead-mines have been successfully worked at
intervals since his time, the proprietor occasionally realising from £1000
to £1500 a year. The mineral strontites, from which was deduced the earth
strontia, was discovered here, and named from Strontian. There was a
prevalent belief in the reign of George II. that many valuable minerals
might be obtained amongst the Highland mountains, if there were a
possibility of working them. The actual discovery of marble in a few
places served to support the notion. A very prosaic poet thus alludes to
the matter about 1737:
‘No more with stucco need we vessels lade,
Enough thereof has been at Kelso made.
Nor need
our jamms
with
foreign marble shine,
There‘s beauteous marble at the Craig of Boin.
Yea, Ross and Sutherland rocks of marble shew,
Which vie in
whiteness with the driven snow,
And black-veined marble is in Perthshire found,
Wherewith Banffhouse is
ribatted around.’
The poet adds by way of explanation:
‘Craig of Boin is a rock of marble, veined and diversified with various
colours, now a part of the Earl of Findlater’s estate, but formerly
belonging to Mr Ogilvie of Boin, from whom Louis XIV.
of France got so much of the said marble
as finished one of the finest closets in Versailles.’ Sir James Ramsay of
Banff, in Perthshire, after he had built his mansion-house, found out a
quarry of jet-black marble, whereupon he pulled the frcestone ribats out
of the windows, and put marble ones in their place.’
Soon after this time, we find a society in
activity at Edinburgh, ‘for promoting Natural Knowledge,’ which in 1743
invited ‘noblemen, gentlemen, and others, who have discovered or may
discover any unusual kinds of earths, stones, bitumens, saline or
vitriolic substances, marcasites, ores of metals, and other native
fossils, whose uses and properties they may not have an opportunity of
inquiring into by themselves, to send sufficient samples of them, with a
short account of the places where and the manner in which they are found,
directed to Dr Andrew Plummer, one of the secretaries to the Philosophical
Society, and the Society undertake, by some of their number, to make the
proper trials at their own charge, for discovering the nature and uses of
the Minerals, and to return an answer to the person by whom they were
sent, if they are judged to be of
any use or can be wrought to advantage.’
To return to personal matters connected
with the speculative baronet of Stanhope—the beauty, accomplishments, and
moral graces of Lady Murray made it the more unfortunate that she should
have been united to one who, with whatever merits, was of too unsteady
nature to have ever made any woman happy. It is alleged that, on the
second day of their wedded life, a ferocious and unsatisfiable jealousy
took possession of his mind, in consequence of seeing his young wife
dancing with a friend of his own named Hamilton. He could not dispossess
himself of the idea that she loved another better than him. His behaviour
to her would have proved him to have a slight touch of insanity in his
composition, even if his ill-calculated projects had not been sufficient
to do so. Lady Murray was an
admired and popular person in both
Scottish and English society. Amongst her friends, the chief authors of
the day stood high. Gay introduces her into the group of goodly dames who
welcomed Pope back from Greece—that is, congratulated him on his
completion of the translation of Homer. After speaking of Lady Mary
Wortley Montagu, he says:
‘The sweet-tongued Murray near her side
attends.’
He here alluded to her fascinating powers
as a songstress, which she is said to have exercised with marvellous
effect in singing the songs of her native land. Lady Murray wrote in her
latter days a memoir of her parents, which was published in 1822, and is
one of the most charming pieces of biography in the language.
On the 14th of October 1721, when Lady
(then Mrs) Murray was living in her father’s house in Westminster, a
footman of her brother-in-law, Lord Binning, named Arthur Gray, a
Scotsman, was led by an insane passion to invade her chamber in the middle
of the night, armed with a drawn sword in one hand and a pistol in the
other. All the rest of the family being asleep, she felt how far removed
she was from help and protection, and therefore parleyed with the man in
the gentlest terms she could use, to induce him to leave her room; but
half an hour was thus spent in vain. At length, watching an opportunity,
she pushed him against the wall, seized his pistol with one hand, and with
another rang the bell. Gray then ran off. He was tried for the offence,
and condemned to death, but reprieved. The affair made of course a great
deal of noise, and was variously regarded, according to the feelings of
individuals. All persons, good and amiable, like Mrs Murray herself;
sympathised with her in the distress and agitation which it gave her, and
admired the courage and presence of mind she had displayed. The poor
outcast poet Boyse represented this generous
view
of the case in the verses To Serena,
which he wrote in Mrs Murray’s honour:
‘‘Twas night, when mortals to repose
incline,
And none but demons could intrude on thine,
When wild
desire durst thy soft peace invade,
And stood insulting at thy spotless bed.
Urged all that rage or passion could inspire,
Death armed the wretch’s hand, his breast was fire.
You more than Briton saw the dreadful scene,
Nor lost the guard that always watched within,’ &c.’
A different class of feelings was represented by Mrs Murray’s friend, Lady
Mary Wortley Montagu, who wrote a ballad on the occasion, full of levity
and something worse, which may be found in the work quoted below. This
jeu d’esprit Mrs Murray resented in a manner which was felt to be
unpleasant by Lady Mary, who with difficulty obtained a reconciliation
through the intercession of her sister, the Countess of Mar.