Discontent on Red River—Queries to the Governor—A courageous
Recorder—Free trade in furs held illegal—Imprisonment—New land
deed—Enormous freights—Petty revenge—Turbulent
pensioners—Heart-burnings—Heroic Isbister—Half-breed memorial —Mr.
Beaver's letter—Hudson's Bay Company notified—Lord Elgin's
reply—Voluminous correspondence—Company's full answer—Colonel
Crofton's statement—Major Caldwell, a partisan —French
petition—Nearly a thousand signatures—Love, a factor —The elder
Riel—A court scene—Violence—"Vive la liberté"— The Recorder
checked—A new judge—Unruly Corbett—The prison broken—Another
rescue—A valiant doctor—A Red River Nestor.
The fuller organization of Assiniboia, after
its purchase by the Hudson's Bay Company from the heirs of the Earl
of Selkirk, encouraged the authorities at Red River to assert the
rights which the Company had always claimed—viz. the monopoly of the
fur trade in Rupert's Land and the imposition of heavy freights on
imports and exports by way of Hudson Bay. The privilege of exporting
tallow, the product of the buffalo, had been accorded on reasonable
terms to a prominent resident of the Red River, named James
Sinclair. The first venture, a small one, succeeded; but a second
larger consignment was refused by the Company, and, after lying
nearly two years at York Factory, the cargo was sold to the Company.
Twenty loading half-breeds then petitioned the
Company to be allowed to export their tallow and to be given a
reasonable freight charge. No answer was returned to this letter.
The half-breeds were thus rising in intelligence and means; being
frequently employed as middlemen in trafficking in furs, they
learned something of the trade and traffic. The half-breed settlers
of the Red River settlement have always claimed special privileges
in Rupert's Land as being descended from the aboriginal owners. It
was under such circumstances that Governor Christie, following, it
is supposed, legal direction, in 1844 issued two proclamations, the
first, requiring that each settler, before the Company would carry
any goods for him, should be required to declare that he had not
been engaged in the fur trade; the second, that the writer of every
letter write his name on the outside of it, in order that, should he
be suspected of dealing in furs, it might be opened and examined.
This was a direct issue, and they determined to
bring the matter to a crisis. Twenty leading natives (half-breeds of
Red River settlement), among them a number well known, such as James
Sinclair, John Dease, John Vincent, William Bird, and Peter Garrioch,
in 1845 approached Alexander Christie, Governor of the settlement,
requesting answers to fourteen queries. These questions required
satisfaction as to whether half-breeds could hunt, buy, sell, or
traffic in furs, and also what were the restrictions in this matter
upon Europeans, &c. A pacific and soothing reply was made by
Governor Christie, but the Company soon began to take steps to
repress the free trade in furs, and the Council of Rupert's Land
passed certain regulations, among others one placing a duty of
twenty per cent. upon imports, but exempting from their tax settlers
who were free of the charge of trading in furs. This was a vexatious
regulation and roused great opposition.
All these devices had a legal smack about them,
and were no doubt the suggestions of Judge Thorn, the Recorder of
Red River, a remarkable man, who, six years before this time, had
come from Montreal to put legal matters in order in the Red River
settlement. The Recorder entered con amove into the matter, and
advised the assertion of claims that had fallen into disuse for many
years among the different classes of residents in the settlement.
The redoubtable Judge, who, it will be remembered, was said to have
been at the elbow of Sir George Simpson in writing his "Journey
Round the World," now evolved another tyrannical expedient.
A new land deed was devised, and whosoever
wished to hold land in the settlement was compelled to sign it. This
indenture provided that if the land-holder should invade any
privileges of the Company and fail to contribute to the maintenance
of clergy and schools, or omit to do his work upon the public roads,
or carry on trade in skins, furs, peltry, or dressed leather, such
offender should forfeit his lands.
This was certainly un-British and severe, and
we may look upon it as the plan of the Judge, who failed to
understand the spirit of his age, and would have readily fallen in
with a system of feudal tenure. The writer in after years met this
judge, then very old, in London, and found him a kindly man, though
with Scottish determination, willing to follow out his opinions
logically, however rash or out of place such a course might be. If
the Hudson's Bay Company found itself in a sea of trouble, and
hostile to public sentiment in the settlement, it had to blame its
own creation, the valorous Recorder of Rod River.
The imposition of enormous freights, adopted at
this time for carrying goods by way of York Factory to England, in
order to check trade, was a part of the same policy of "Thorough"
recommended by this legal adviser. Sinclair, already mentioned,
became the "Village Hampden" in this crisis. Taking an active part
in his opposition to this policy of restriction, he found that he
was to be punished, by the "Company's Ship " from England to York
Factory refusing to carry for him any freight. It was partly the
Oregon question and partly the unsettled state of public opinion in
Red River that led to a British regiment being for a time stationed
at the Red River settlement. On the removal of these troops the
pensioners, a turbulent band of old discharged soldiers, came from
Britain and were settled upon the Assiniboine, above Fort Garry. A
writer who knew them well ventures to suggest that they were of the
same troublesome disposition as the former De Meurons of Lord
Selkirk. Coming ostensibly to introduce peace they brought a sword.
Sooner or later the discontent and irritation produced by Judge
Thorn's inspiration was sure to reach its culmination, and this it
did in the Sayer affair afterwards described.
The cause of the complaints from the Rod River
settlement found a willing and powerful advocate in Mr. Alexander K.
Isbister, a young London barrister, and afterwards a prominent
educationalist. He was a native of Rupert's Land, and had a dash of
Indian blood in his veins, and so took up the brief for his
compatriots in a formidable series of documents. Mr. Isbister's
advocacy gave standing and weight to the contention of the Red River
half-breeds, and a brave and heroic fight was made, even though the
point of view was at times quite unjust to the Company.
In 1847, Isbister, with five other half-breeds
of Red River, forwarded, to the Secretary of State for the Colonies,
a long and able memorial, setting forth the grievances of the
petitioners. The document sets forth in short that the Company had
"amassed a princely revenue" at the expense of the natives, allowed
their wards to pass their lives in the darkest heathenism, broke
their pledges to exclude strong drink from the Indian trade, were
careless of the growing evil of want and suffering in the territory,
paid little for the furs, and persecuted the natives by checking
them in their barter of furs, and followed a short-sighted and
pernicious policy.
This was assuredly a serious list of charges.
Earl Grey in due time called on Isbister and his friends for a more
specific statement of the grievances, and wrote to the Governor of
Assiniboia, to the London Governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, and
to the Governor-General of Canada, Lord Elgin, asking their
attention to the allegations of the petition.
Some two months after Lord Grey's letter was
received, the Hudson's Bay Company Governor, Sir J. H. Pelly,
submitted a long and minute answer to the various charges of the
petitioners. As is usually the case, both parties had some
advantages. As to the enormous profits, the Company were able to
show that they had unfortunately not been able to make "more than
the ordinary rate of mercantile profit." They replied as to the
religious interests of the natives, that their sole objects, as
stated in the Charter, were trade and the discovery of a North-West
Passage, but that they had helped at a considerable annual expense
the Church Missionary Society, Wesleyan Missionary Society, and a
Roman Catholic Missionary Society. The Company gives a most
indignant denial to the charge that they had resumed the trade in
spirituous liquors with the Indians, though admitting in the
neighbourhood of Red River the use of small quantities of strong
drink in meeting the American traders.
This answer did not, however, quiet the storm.
Isbister returned to the attack, giving the evidence of Mr.
Alexander Simpson, a trader on the Pacific Coast, and the extensive
and strong letter of the Rev. Herbert Beaver, the former chaplain of
the Hudson's Bay Company at Fort Vancouver. Isbister also raised the
question of the validity of the Company's Charter. The Company again
replied, and so the battle raged, reply and rejoinder, quotations
and evidence ad libitum. Isbister may not have proved his case, but
his championship won the approbation of many independent observers.
Lord Elgin, the efficient and popular
Governor-General of Canada, gave such reply as he was able. He
states that the distance of Red River was so great and the
intercourse so little, that taking into account the peculiar
jurisdiction of the Company, he found it difficult to obtain the
information sought. As to the complaints about the religious neglect
of the Indians, Lord Elgin states that disappointments in this
matter occur in other quarters as well as in the Hudson's Bay
Company territories, but declares that the result of his inquiries
in the matter "is highly favourable to the Company, and that it has
left in his mind the impression that the authority which they
exercise over the vast and inhospitable region subject to their
jurisdiction is on the whole very advantageous to the Indians."
Lord Elgin states that he is much indebted for
his information to Colonel Crofton, the commander of the 6th Royal
Regiment, which we have seen was stationed for a time at Red River.
Colonel Crofton afterwards gave to the Colonial Secretary what one
would say was rather an unjudicial reply. He said, "I unhesitatingly
assert that the government of the Hudson's Bay Company is mild and
protective, and admirably adapted, in my opinion, for the state of
society existing in Rupert's Land, where Indians, half-breeds, or
Europeans are happily governed, and live protected by laws which I
know were mercifully and impartially administered by Mr. Thorn, the
Recorder, and by the magistrates of the land." In regard to this
opinion, while no doubt an honest expression of views, it is plain
that Colonel Crofton did not understand the aspiration for
self-government which prevails in Western communities. The reply of
the Governor of Assiniboia, Major Caldwell, was likewise favourable
to the Company. Alexander Ross, in his "Red River Settlement,"
criticizes the method taken by Major Caldwell to obtain information.
According to Ross, the Governor sent around queries to a few select
individuals, accepting no one "below what the Major considered a
gentleman." This, the critic says, was the action of a man " who had
never studied the art of governing a people." Ross, who did not
admire the Company greatly, however, sums up the whole matter by
saying, "The allegations of harsh conduct or maladministration
preferred against the Hudson's Bay Company by Mr. Isbister and his
party were in general totally unfounded and disproved," and
therefore neither Major Caldwell's inquiries nor the inspiration of
his genius were required.
Notwithstanding Major Caldwell's optimism and
Lord Elgin's favourable reply, there was really a serious condition
of affairs in Red River settlement. Along with the petition of
Isbister and his five English half-breed compatriots, there was one
far more formidable from the French half-breeds, who to the number
of nine hundred and seventy-seven subscribed their names. Presented
to Her Majesty the Queen, in most excellent terms, in the French
language, their petition sought, decrying the monopoly as severe:—
1. That as good subjects they might be governed
by the principles of the British Constitution;
2. That as British
subjects they demanded their right to enjoy the liberty of commerce;
3. They requested the sale of lands to strangers, and that a portion
of the proceeds should be applied to improve the means of transport.
French and English half-breeds were now united
in a common purpose. A strange story is related as to the way in
which the English-speaking half-breeds came to throw in their lot
with their French fellow-countrymen. A Company officer had left his
two daughters at Fort Garry to be educated. One of them was the
object of the affection of a young Scotch half-breed, and at the
same time of a young Highlander. The young lady is said to have
preferred the Metis, but the stern parent favoured the Highlander,
The Scotchman, fortified by the father's approval, proceeded to
upbraid the Metis for his temerity in aspiring to the hand of one so
high in society as the lady. As love ruined Troy, so it is said this
affair joined French and English half-breeds in a union to defeat
the Company.
The agitation went on, as Isbister and his
friends corresponded with the people of Red River and succeeded so
well in gaining the ear of the British Government. Among the French
people one of the fiercest and most noisy leaders was Louis Riel,
the revolutionary "miller of the Seine." This man, the father of the
rebel chief of later years, was a French half-breed. A tribune of
the people, he had a strong ascendency over the ignorant
half-breeds. He was ready for any emergency.
It is often the case that some trifling
incident serves to bring on a serious crisis in affairs. A French
settler, named Guillaume Sayer, half-breed son of an old bourgeois
in the North-West Company, had bought a quantity of goods, intending
to go on a trading expedition to Lake Manitoba. The Company
proceeded to arrest him, and, after a stiff resistance, he was
overcome by force and imprisoned at Fort Garry.
As the day of trial drew near the excitement
grew intense. Governor Caldwell was a well-known martinet; the
Recorder was regarded as the originator of the policy of
restriction. He was, moreover, believed to be a Francophobe, having
written a famous series of newspaper communications in Montreal,
known as the "Antigallic Letters." The day of trial had been fixed
for Ascension Day, May 17th, and this was taken as a religious
affront by the French. The Court was to meet in the morning.
On the day of the trial hundreds of French
Metis, armed, came from all the settlements to St. Boniface Church,
and, leaving their guns at the church door, entered for service. At
the close they gathered together, and were addressed in a fiery
oration by Riel. A French Canadian admirer, writing of the matter,
says, "Louis Riel obtained a veritable triumph on that occasion, and
long and loud the hurrahs were repeated by the echoes of the Red
River."
Crossing by way of Point Douglas, the Metis
surrounded the unguarded Court House at Fort Garry. The governor,
judge, and magistrate arrived, and took their seats at eleven
o'clock. A curious scene now ensued : the magistrates protested
against the violence; Riel in loud tones declared that they would
give the tribunal one hour, and that if justice were not done them,
they would do it themselves. An altercation then took place between
Judge Thorn and Riel, and with his loud declaration, "Et je declare
que de ce moment Sayer est libre------" drowned by the shouts of the
Metis, the trial was over. Sayer and his fellow-prisoners betook
themselves to freedom, while the departing Metis cried out, "Le
commerce est libre! le commerce est libre! Viva la liberty!" This
crisis was a serious one. Judge Thorn, so instructed by Governor
Simpson, never acted as Recorder again. The five years' struggle was
over.
The movement for liberty continued to stimulate
the people. Five years afterward the plan of the agitators was to
obtain the intervention of Canada. Accordingly a petition, signed by
Roderick Kennedy and five hundred and seventy-four others, was
presented to the Legislative Assembly of Canada. The grievances of
the people of Red River were recited. It was stated that application
had been made to the Imperial Parliament without result, and this
through "the chicanery of the Company and its false
representations." In 1857 the Toronto Board of Trade petitioned the
Canadian Assembly to open the Hudson's Bay Company territories to
trade. Restlessness and uncertainty largely prevailed in Red River,
though there were many of the colonists who paid little attention to
what they considered the infatuated conduct of the agitators.
No truer test of the success of government can
be found than the respect and obedience shown by the people for the
law. Red River settlement, judged by this standard, had a woful
record at this time. After the unfortunate Sayer affair, Recorder
Thorn was superseded, and for a time (1855 to 1858) Judge Johnson,
of Montreal, came to Fort Garry to administer justice and to act as
Governor.
Judge Black, a capable trader who had received
a legal training, was appointed to the office of Recorder, but soon
found a case that tried his judicial ability and skill. A clergyman
named Corbett, who had been bitterly hostile to the Company,
testified to certain extreme statements against the Company in the
great investigation of 1857. He then returned to his parish of
Headingly in the settlement- A criminal charge was brought against
him, for which he was found guilty in the courts and sentenced to
six months' imprisonment. The opponents of the Company, seemingly
without ground, but none the less fiercely, declared that the trial
was a persecution by the Company and that Corbett was innocent.
Strong in this belief, the mob surrounded the prison at Fort Garry,
overawed the old French jailor, and, rescuing Corbett, took him home
to his parish.
Among those who had been prominent in the
rescue was James Stewart, long afterward a druggist and
meteorological observer in Winnipeg. Stewart and some of his
companions were arrested for jail-breaking and cast into prison.
Some forty or fifty friends of Stewart threatened violence should he
be kept a prisoner. The Governor, bishop, and three magistrates met
to overawe the insurgents, but the determined rescuers tore up the
pickets enclosing the prison yard, broke open the jail, and made the
prisoner a free man.
Such insubordination and tumult marked the
decline of the Company's power as a governing body. This lawlessness
was no doubt stimulated by the establishment of a newspaper in
1859—The Nor'-Wester—which from the first was hostile to the
Company. The system of government by the Council of Assiniboia had
always been a vulnerable point in the management by the Company, and
the newspaper constantly fanned the spirit of discontent. In the
year 1868, when the Hudson. Bay Company regime was approaching its
end, another violent and disturbing affair took place. This was the
arrest of Dr. Schultz, a Canadian leader of great bodily strength
and determination, who had thrown in his lot with the Red River
people. As a result of a business dispute, Schultz was proceeded
against in the Court, and an order issued for seizure of his goods.
On his resisting the sheriff in the execution of his duty, he was,
after a severe struggle, overpowered, taken captive, and confined in
Fort Garry jail.
On the following day the wife of Dr. Schultz
and some fifteen men forcibly entered the prison, overpowered the
guards, and, breaking open his cell, rescued the redoubtable doctor.
Hargrave says, "This done, the party adjourned along with him to his
house, where report says, 'They made a night of it.'"
These events represented the decadence of the
Company's rule; they indicated the rise of new forces that were to
compel a change; and however harmful to those immediately involved
they declared unmistakably that the old order changeth, giving place
to new.
Typical of his times, there sat through the
court scenes of these troublous days the old "clerk of court and
council," William Robert Smith. With long grey beard he held his
post, and was the genius of the place. He was the Nestor of Red
River. A Bluecoat boy from London, he had come from school far back
in 1813, to enter on the fur trade in Rupert's Land. At Oxford
House, Ile à la Crosse, Little Slave Lake, and Norway House, he
served eleven faithful years as a clerk, when he retired and became
a settler of Red River. He was the first to settle near Lower Fort
Garry, and named the spot "Little Britain," from one of his old
London localities. Farming, teaching, catechizing for the church,
acting precentor, a local encyclopaedia, and collector of Customs,
he passed his versatile life, till, the year before the Sayer emeute,
he became Clerk of Court, which place, with slight interruption, he
held for twenty years. How remarkable to think of the man of all
work, the Company's factotum, reaching in his experience from the
beginning to well-nigh the ending of the Selkirk settlement! One who
knew him says, "From his long residence in the settlement he has
seen governors, Judges, bishops, and clergymen, not to mention such
birds of passage as the Company's local officers, who come and go,
himself remaining to record their doings to their successors."