Never was any race of kings more unfortunate
than that of Stewart. Their reigns were generally disastrous, and their
end tragical. Of six successive monarchs, the immediate predecessors of
James VI., not one had died a natural death. James III. came to an
untimely and unnatural end in the county we are surveying.
A misunderstanding had subsisted between
this prince and several of the chief nobility, during the greater part
of his reign. James did not possess those talents for government which
had distinguished several of his predecessors; for, though sundry wise
and useful regulations were established in his reign, and his errors
have, no doubt, been much exaggerated, yet it cannot be denied, that
marks of an imprudent and feeble mind are visible in the general tenor
of his conduct.
A natural timidity of temper, together
with a foolish attention to astrology, had filled his mind with
perpetual jealousy and suspicion. He had no warrior’s heart; rather
that of a coward, a most unhappy reputation for a Scottish king. The
impression, during his reign, was that, among Cochran’s Satanic
influences, it had been prophesied he should die by the nearest of his
kin; and, to defeat this, he put to death his brother Mar. With his son,
however, to whom the prophecy had never been applied, he saw its
fulfillment coming. A fondness, too, for architecture, music, and other
studies, or amusements, which, though innocent and useful, were too
trifling to engage the whole time and care of a prince, had rendered him
averse to public business. Indolence, and want of penetration, had also
led him to make choice of such ministers and favourites, as were not
considered qualified for the trust committed to them.
The ministers of state had usually been
chosen from amongst the nobility; but, in the reign of James, the
nobles, either from his fear or hatred of them, or from a consciousness
of his inability to maintain proper dignity, were seldom consulted in
affairs of government, and often denied access to the royal presence.
This could not fail to excite the
displeasure of the Scottish barons, who, in former reigns, had not only
been regarded as the companions and counsellors of their sovereigns, but
possessed the great offices of power and trust.
Displeasure developed into indignation,
when they beheld every mark of the royal confidence and favour conferred
upon Cochran the mason, Hommil the tailor, Leonard the smith, Rodgers
the musician, and Torfifan the fencing-master; whom James always kept
about him, caressed with the fondest affection, and endeavoured to
enrich with an imprudent liberality.
To redress the grievance, the barons had
recourse to a method of corresponding with their characteristic
ferocity. Unacquainted with the regular method, adopted in modern times,
of proceeding by impeachment, they seized upon James’s favourites by
violence, tore them from his presence, and, without any form of trial,
executed them. James Hommil, scissor (the old name for tailor), did not
suffer on this occasion. He was, however, afterwards prosecuted by the
Parliament of 1488, for attempting to bring in the English to the king’s
aid. Another of the royal suite, James Chisholme, page to his majesty
and subsequently chaplain, escaped the fate of his companions; and this
youth, son of Edmund first Chisholm of Cromlix, was, in 1487,
consecrated Bishop of Dunblane. But so gross an insult, as the
executions referred to, could not fail to excite some degree of
resentment, even in the most gentle bosom; though true policy would have
suggested to a wise prince, so soon as the shock of passion had
subsided, the necessity of relinquishing measures, which had given such
offence to subjects so powerful as the then Scottish barons. Their
influence, indeed, had, by a concurrence of causes, become so
predominant, that the combination of a few was able to shake the throne.
The attachment of James to favourites was, notwithstanding, so
immoderate, that he soon made choice of others, who became more assuming
than the former, and consequently objects of still greater detestation
to the barons, especially those, who, by residing near the court, had
frequent opportunities of witnessing their ostentation and insolence.
Matter came at length to an open rupture.
A party of the nobility took up arms; and having, by persuasion or
force, prevailed upon the king’s eldest son, then a youth of fifteen,
to join them, they, in his name, erected their standard against their
sovereign. Roused by the intelligence of such operations, James also
took the field. An accommodation at first took place, but upon what
terms is not known. The transactions of the latter part of this reign
are variously related by historians, and but darkly by the best. Such as
lived the nearest to the time, and had the fullest opportunities of
information, probably found that they could not be explicit without
throwing reflections upon either the father or the son. The malcontents,
according to some accounts, proposed that James should resign his crown
in behalf of his son. This accommodation, whatever the articles were,
being attended with no mutual confidence, was of very short duration.
New occasions of discord arose. James, it was asserted, had not
fulfilled his part of the treaty. Ignorance, indeed, of the articles
prevent us from forming any certain judgment of the truth of the charge.
There are, however, strong presumptions in its favour. The Earls of
Huntly and Errol, the Marischal, the Lord Glammis, with several others
who had hitherto adhered to James, now left him, and joined the
disaffected. And, in an Act of Parliament, framed soon after the king’s
death, and entitled "The proposition of the debate of the field of
Stirling," his receding from certain articles to which he had
formerly consented as the foundation of peace, is expressly assigned as
the reason which had determined these lords to that sudden change. This
document sets forth that the late king, by perverse counsel of divers
persons, who were then with him, had broken certain articles which he
had subscribed and consented to; and that, therefore, the Earl of Huntly,
and others of the king’s lieges, had forsaken him, and adhered to his
successor. The confederacy now began to spread wider than ever, so as to
comprehend almost all the barons, and consequently their military
vassals and retainers, on the south of the Grampians.
James, having crossed the Forth in a
vessel of Sir Andrew Wood’s, proceeded to Aberdeen, when the northern
counties eagerly poured forth their hands in defence of the royal cause.
In April, he advanced by Stirling to Blackness, where an undecisive
skirmish took place, and a reconciliation was hastily patched up. The
king gave his uncle, the Earl of Athole, to Hailes, as a hostage, while
the Earl of Crawford, who had distinguished himself here, was created,
as the reward of valour, Duke of Montrose. Lord Kilmauris was, for the
same reason, created Earl of Glencairn.
With the prospect of new hostilities
before him, James now shut himself up in Edinburgh castle, till, by the
arrival of his northern subjects, whom he had summoned to his
assistance, he should be in a position to take the field. As, however,
Stirling was reckoned more convenient for the rendezvous of the northern
clans, he was advised to go thither. Upon his arrival, he was excluded
from the castle by Shaw the governor, who favoured the other party.
While deliberating what step to take on this unexpected reception,
intelligence was brought him that the disaffected lords, at the head of
a considerable army, had advanced to Torwood. The only alternative was,
either to make his escape by going on board Admiral Wood’s fleet,
stationed in the Forth, near Alloa, or engage the enemy with what forces
he had collected. Though not distinguished for courage, he resolved upon
the latter course, and prepared.
The two armies met in a tract of ground,
which now goes by the name of Little Canglar, upon the east side of a
brook called Sauchie Burn, about two miles south of Stirling, and one
mile from the famous field of Bannockburn. The royal army was drawn up
in three divisions. Historians differ about their numbers. Some make
them amount to above thirty thousand. The Earls of Menteith and
Crawford, the Lords Erskine, Graham, Ruthven, and Maxwell, with Sir
David Lindsay of Byres, were each intrusted with a military command. We
are not authentically informed how these leaders, with their several
divisions, were arranged. Nor is it agreed in what part the king had his
station; only, we are told that he was armed cap-a-pee, and mounted on a
spirited grey horse, presented to him by Sir David Lindsay; and that Sir
David told his Majesty he might at any time trust his life to the animal’s
agility and sure-footedness, provided he could keep his seat.
The malcontent army, amounting to
eighteen thousand, and mostly cavalry, was likewise ranged in three
divisions. The first, composed of East-Lotian and Merse men, was
commanded by the Lords Home and Hailes, whose discontent had arisen from
the king having annexed to his chapel-royal at Stirling the revenues of
the priory of Coldingham, to the disposal of which they had claim. The
second line, made up of the inhabitants of Galloway and the border
counties, was led by Lord Gray; and the prince had the name of
commanding the main body, though he was entirely under the direction of
the lords about him. Showers of arrows from both sides began the action;
but they soon came to closer engagement with arrows and swords.
The royalists at first gained an
advantage, and drove back the enemy’s first line. These, however,
being soon supported by the borderers, who composed the second, not only
recovered their ground, but pushed the first and second lines of the
royalists back to the third. Fighting there was, but no battle.
Any little courage of which James was
possessed soon forsook him. He put spurs to his horse, and galloped off,
with the view, as is conjectured, of getting on board Admiral Wood’s
fleet, which lay in sight five miles distant. As he was on the point of
crossing the Bannock, near the village of Milton, a woman happened to be
drawing water, and, observing a man in armour gallop full speed towards
her, and being alarmed for her safety, left her pitcher, and ran off.
The horse, starting at sight of the vessel, threw his rider, who was so
bruised with the fall, and the weight of his armour, as to faint away.
As the disaster had happened within a few yards of a mill, the miller
and his wife carried the unfortunate horseman thither; and, though
ignorant of his name and station, treated him with great humanity, and
administered to him such cordials as their house afforded. When he had
somewhat recovered, he called for a priest, to whom, as a dying man, he
might make confession. Being asked who he was, he replied, "I was
your king this morning." Thunder-struck at the announcement, the
poor woman ran out, wringing her hands, and calling loudly for
assistance to the king. Some of the rebels, who happened to pass at the
moment, heard her cries and, according to tradition, one of them, a
follower of Lord Gray, a priest by profession, exclaimed, "I am a
priest. Where is the king?" He was led into the room where the king
lay, and, kneeling down beside him, asked if he thought he might recover
by the aid of surgery. "I believe that I might," answered
James; "but let me have a priest to hear my confession, and to
bring me the eucharist." The traitor, it is said, heard his
confession, and then basely stabbed him.
The ground where this regicide was
perpetuated is full of heroic memories. The place itself is well-known
by the name of Beaton’s mill, and stands on the east side of the
Bannock. It is no longer a mill; just a small old dwelling-house, with
crow-stepped gables. The lower parts of the walls are still the same
which received the unfortunate monarch. The stones wear the marks of
antiquity, being much mouldered by the weather in the lapse of ages. The
upper part of the fabric has been renewed; and the repairs it has
undergone seem to have had no other design than to perpetuate the memory
of a wretched business, the circumstances of which have been so
carefully handed down by tradition, that they are still related by the
inhabitants of the village, and correspond to the accounts we meet with
in the best historians. Pity that events of a more illustrious character
have been denied the same interest and attention by succeeding
generations.
After the king’s flight, his troops
continued to fight with great bravery; but, at last, finding themselves
unable to stand their ground, and discouraged by an uncertain rumour of
his death, they began to retreat to Stirling. Well, too, might they feel
in vain to defend a cause thus betrayed by its patron; while the adverse
ranks, no doubt, shrunk from the horrors of mutual slaughter. They were
not hotly pursued, for hostilities had immediately ceased. The army of
the confederates lay that night upon the field, and next day marched
back to Linlithgow. The number of the slain is uncertain, though it must
have been considerable; for the action had lasted several hours. Some of
high rank fell on the royal side, among whom were the Earl of Glencairn,
and Lords Ruthven and Erskine. This battle was fought on the 11th
June, 1488; and was called by diplomatical authority, "The field of
Stirling." "The battle of Sauchieburn" is a better name,
as distinguishing it from the action between Wallace and the English in
1297. Bannockburn has a better claim to be called the battle of Stirling
than either, and probably would have had that title, but for Wallace’s
victory which had the start of it in point of time.
The prince, who before the battle, had
given strict charge regarding his father’s safety, heard the rumour of
his death with great emotions of grief. It was not till some days after,
that he obtained a certain account; for, if any of the confederate lords
were in the secret, they had kept it carefully from the prince, and from
the rest. A report was spread that the king had gone on board Admiral
Wood’s fleet, and was alive. The admiral, being called before the
young king and the council, declared that he knew nothing of his late
master. So little had this prince been accustomed to his father’s
company, that he was almost a stranger to his person; for, when Wood had
appeared before him, struck with his stately appearance, or perhaps with
some resemblance, he seriously exclaimed, "Sir, are you my
father?" The admiral, bursting into tears, replied, "I am not
your father, but I was your father’s true servant." On the 18th
of March, 1483, the property of Largo was granted to this Andrew Wood,
of Leith, for his services by land and sea, chiefly in the English war;
and confirmed about 1497, with the addition, that the most eminent
service had been the defence of Dumbarton, when the English navy came to
besiege it. Sir Andrew Wood’s fleet consisted of two ships, viz. ‘Flower’
and ‘Yellow Carvel.’ They compensated their want of numbers by
courage, skill, and success. They took five English vessels, which had
made an inroad upon the Scottish trade in the Forth. Henry VII. offered
a large pension to any one who should kill or capture Wood. Many had
declined, when Stephen Bull ventured against him with three stout ships
completely manned and equipped, and anchored off the back of the Isle of
May. Wood, though not expecting him, fought him hard two days, during
which they had drifted to the Tay. At length, Wood captured the three
English men of war, and brought them into Dundee. Presenting Bull to
James IV., he was handsomely rewarded. The monarch gave presents to the
English sailors, and sent them and ships as a gift to Henry, who
muttered thanks, and disguised his chagrin. Sir Andrew formed, between
Largo House and the church of that name, a canal along which, in a
barge, with the appropriate naval honours, he proceeded to and from
divine service.
At last the corpse of the king was
discovered, and carried to the palace in Stirling castle, where it lay
till interred with all due honour, in Cambuskenneth abbey, near the body
of his queen, who had died not long before.
The confederate lords endeavoured to
atone for their treatment of their late sovereign by their loyalty and
duty towards his son, whom they instantly placed on the throne. They
also deemed it requisite, for their future security, to have a
parliamentary indemnity for their proceedings. Accordingly, in a
parliament that met soon after, they obtained a vote, by which
everything done in "the Field of Stirling" was justified, and
declared "lawful," on account of the necessity they had lain
under of employing force against "the king’s evil councillers,
enemies of the kingdom." This vote is, in the records, called
"The proposition of the debate of the field of Stirling."
The majority of the nation, south of the
Tay, soon acknowledged the new king, and the castles of Edinburgh and
Stirling surrendered to him. Sir John Lundie was made governor of the
latter, instead of James Shaw, whose late treachery had rendered him
detestable even to the party whose interest he had intended to serve.
The northern clans, who had adhered to
the late king, did not so speedily submit to his successor, but combined
to avenge the death upon those who were thought to keep his son still
captive among them. Early next year, Lord Forbes made a tour through the
northern counties, to excite the inhabitants, and accompanied his
arguments with an address to their passions, by displaying the bloody
shirt of the murdered king upon a lance. The Earl of Levenax, or Lennox,
who had espoused the same cause, raised 5,000 vassals and retainers, and
marched northward, to form a junction with Forbes. As, however, the king
and confederate lords held Stirling, he crossed the Forth some miles
above, and at night encamped in a field adjoining to Tilly-Moss, now
called Moss-Flanders. Having no suspicion of danger, and intending to
march early next morning, he lay in a careless posture, and had not even
set a regular watch. This tempted one MacAlpin to act treacherously. He
stole away to Stirling, and gave information of the place where the earl
had encamped, and the insecurity of his posture. Lord Drummond, a chief
of the confederates, quickly setting out with a considerable force,
surprised the earl, and, with little bloodshed, dispersed his army.
The northern clans, hearing of Lennox’s defeat, immediately submitted
to the new king, and the whole kingdom soon united in acknowledging his
authority. As a penance for the unnatural part he had acted towards his
father, he wore, ever after, an iron girdle next his skin, adding a link
every year. |